Daily Resistance #6 is out!

The new issue of Daily Resistance is out (#6) – coming along with articles from Women in Exile & Friends, International Women Space, The Voice Refugee Forum, City Plaza Athens and many more.

Grab your copy or a pack of newspapers to spread from your local distributor in Neukölln, Café Karanfil (Mahlower Str 7, U Boddinstr) – or write a mail to dailyresistance@systemli.org. Email us, if you want to distribute Daily Resistance in your city, in your initiatives, spaces or other contexts.

The PDF version can be read and downloaded here:

You can also read several articles of the issue online (with more texts to come) on oplatz.net, e.g. an interview in English with Adam Bahar on the revolutionary situation in Sudan (you can find the text in Turkish in the new issue): https://oplatz.net/sudan-revolution-interview/ , or the farewell statement of City Plaza in English (the Greek original has been printed in the newspaper): https://oplatz.net/39-months-city-plaza/

Looking forward to your feedback, comments, suggestions, and articles for the next issues! Come to our regular meetings, every second Thursday, and become part of the editorial team of Daily Resistance!


Daily Resistance is a periodical newspaper on actual paper written by activists aiming to reach people in lagers. We want to inform them on the state of resistance in Germany and to empower them for their everyday resistance against the system. Together with local supporters, we look to inform and invite as many people as possible to break the isolation.

Let’s Mobilize to Jena: The VOICE 25th Anniversary of Refugee Struggle in Germany

We invite you to join us in celebrating our 25th anniversary!

Call to participate in the preparation of the 25th anniversary and call for participation in the celebration on the 6th and 7th of December 2019 in Jena

You are part of this history – a quarter of a century since the break-up of isolation
25. The VOICE Refugee Forum Silver Jubilee Anniversary, 1994 – 2019
Founded in Mühlhausen and Established in Jena / Thüringen

The VOICE Refugee Forum for a quarter of a century is still at the forefront of dignity and self-determination, carrying a heavy burden of a quarter of a century – because many have been relieved of their journey – many have been able to find their place, a heavy burden must be placed on the ground so as not to lose themselves as a source for the next RefugeeBlackBox.

Breaking the Culture of Deportation – Deportation is the last ring of the slavery chain | RefugeeBlackBox – Solidarity (initiated in 2017)

You are part of this history as you are part of the future, do not forget yourself and neither the one who needs support in his struggle.

How to contribute: Contribute to the VOICE’s jubilee, choose and send a photo on The VOICE for the public exhibition, contribute to the RefugeeBlackBox. Refugee and migrants’ activists and asylum seeker activists are invited and everyone is welcome to give a few words about their experiences and their testimonies in the box. We have all it takes for peoples’ new world order of solidarity with the refugee! Every refugee is the story of RefugeeBlackBox-installation, it is also a certain power of knowledge and the wisdom to find your fight; to empower your presence and your issues in solidarity with the refugee struggles and movements.

Stop deportation! Defend the RefugeeBlackBox Solidarity, your silence is killing!
Each Deportation stop pulls down the mask, that covers the human face!
The fight against deportation and isolation has always been in the center of the VOICE‘s political activism. Fighting deportation means fighting against nationalism, white supremacy, and colonial racist injustice!

Next step: Arrival on Thursday, 5 December 2019

Starts on Friday, December 6, 2019 at 10:00 am: Video installation “RBB” on the Holzmarkt Jena:

– The VOICE Symposium on refugee grassroots community “Assembly” in Germany
– FightBack! Disrupt, disobey and organise against the regulated Dublin-deportations of refugees from Germany!

Saturday, 7 December 2019: Presentation | RefugeeBlackBox Parade | Music | Gyration and Performance

There will be a RefugeeBlackBox parade against the deportation crimes and against the colonial racism of Europe on 7th Saturday, December 2019. Calling for decentralized RefugeeBlackBox installation or info event before in the run-up of the December events.

facebook.com/RefugeeBlackBox

The VOICE Refugee Forum Germany
Jena: Tel.: + 49 (0) 176 24568988 (Whatsapp), E- mail: thevoiceforum@gmx.de
Berlin: Handy :+49 (0)170/8788124 (Whatsapp), E- mail: the_voice_berlin@emdash.org
Thevoiceforum.org


Mobilisons-nous ensemble à Iéna – Le 25e anniversaire de la lutte des réfugiés en Allemagne !

Nous vous invitons à vous joindre à nous pour célébrer notre 25e anniversaire !

Appel à participer à la préparation du 25ème anniversaire et appel à participer à la célébration des 6 et 7 décembre 2019 à Iéna .

Vous faites partie de cette histoire – Un quart de siècle depuis la fin de l’isolement
25. VOICE Refugee Forum Jubilee Anniversary Forum, 1994 – 2019
Fondée à Mühlhausen et basée à Iéna / Thueringen

Le Forum des Réfugiés “The VOICE” est à la pointe de la dignité et de l’autodétermination depuis un quart de siècle, portant un lourd fardeau d’un quart de siècle – parce que beaucoup ont été soulagés de leur voyage – beaucoup ont pu trouver leur place, un lourd fardeau doit être placé sur le terrain afin de ne pas se perdre comme source pour la prochaine boîte noire des réfugiés.

Briser la culture de la déportation – La déportation est le dernier cercle vicieux de la chaîne des esclaves| RefugeeBlackBox – Solidarité (Initié en 2017)

Vous faites partie de cette histoire comme vous faites partie de l’avenir, ne vous oubliez pas vous-même et ceux qui ont besoin de soutien dans leur lutte.

Comment contribuer:
Contribuer au jubilé de The VOICE, choisir et envoyer une photo sur The VOICE pour l’exposition publique, contribuer à la RefugeeBlackBox. Les activistes réfugiés et migrants et les demandeurs d’asile sont invités et chacun est invité à donner quelques mots sur ses expériences et témoignages dans la boîte. Nous avons tout ce dont nous avons besoin pour le nouvel ordre mondial de solidarité des peuples avec les réfugiés !
Chaque réfugié est l’histoire de l’installation RefugeeBlackBox, c’est aussi un certain pouvoir de connaissance et de sagesse pour trouver votre combat, pour renforcer votre présence et vos enjeux en solidarité avec les luttes et les mouvements des réfugiés.

Chaque fois qu’on arrête la déportation, le masque qui recouvre le visage humain tombe!
La lutte contre la déportation et l’isolement a toujours été au cœur de l’activisme politique de The VOICE. Lutter contre la déportation, c’est lutter contre le nationalisme, la suprématie blanche et l’injustice raciste coloniale!

Etape suivante:
Start on Friday, December 6, 2019 at 10:00 am: Video installation “RBB” in the HolzMarkt Jena:

– Le Symposium VOICE sur l'”Assemblée” des communautés de réfugiés en Allemagne
– À bas les rebelles ! Désorganiser, désobéir et s’organiser contre les expulsions réglementées de Dublin – Arrêter l’expulsion des réfugiés de l’Allemagne

Samedi 7 décembre 2019 : Présentations | RefugeeBlackBox Parade | Musique | Gyration et performance

Il y aura un défilé RefugeeBlackBox contre les crimes de déportation et le racisme colonial en Europe le 7 décembre 2019.

Appel à l’installation décentralisée de RefugeeBlackBox ou à un événement d’information avant les événements de décembre.

Facebook.com/RefugeeBlackBox/

Le Forum des réfugiés “The VOICE” Allemagne

Jena: Handy Tel : + 49 (0) 176 24568988 (Whatsapp),
Courriel : thevoiceforum@gmx.de
Berlin: Handy Tel : +49 (0)170 8788124 (Whatsapp)
Courriel : the_voice_berlin@emdash.org
Thevoiceforum.org

Sudan Revolution Interview

T: We already know you from the Oranienplatz resistance but can you introduce yourself a bit?

A: Adam Bahar. I am coming from Sudan. I’m born in Sudan but I’m in Germany since 2012. Politically active in Sudan since 2002. I was in university fighting for the right of the people of Sudan and against the dictatorship. Also especially because I am coming and I was born in Darfur, where there is war since 2003.

That’s why my main motivation was to start something against the government. Also when I was in this time in university and I was part of a group of Sudanese students organizing themselves. We were organizing ourselves for democracy and people of Darfur.

Result out of that is that we got in trouble with the government and I had to leave Sudan. I came to Europe in 2008 and I was in different countries of Europe. I lived in Greece, Italy, France for 2 years and in 2012 I came to Germany.

T: Our first question is what is the actual situation in Sudan? There was an agreement between Forces of Freedom and Change and the military. And some organizations like Sudan Communist Party told we are getting out from this agreement. Were there other groups inside Forces of Freedom and Change that got out from the agreement?

A: Actual situation in Sudan right now: last week (17th of July, 2019), they signed on the Sudanese constitution transition process. They signed the first letter and it will be completed on 17th of August 2019.

In the first form of the new cabinet there will be 6 people from the opposition parties and 5 people from the military. They will form the cabinet together and power will be hold first 18 months by military and other 18 months by civilian government. New government is supposed to initiate after the 3 years of transition.

But it is just the first part of the whole constitution in Sudan. Second part, there will be a president, there will be a parliament and 67 percent of the parliament will be from the opposition parties which the people are inside and leading the revolution. 33 percent of the parliament will be from the people who were not really taking participation in the revolution but they were also against government and they never worked with the old government of Omar al-Bashir. And the third part of the constitution all the people like youth and women will be the part of parliament.

Sudan in the future will have a parliamentarian government and ministries will have the real power. It will not be like before with only the president having the power. Like how we are having in Germany for example. There is president but president doesn’t have so much power. In Germany there is chancellor – in Sudan we will have prime minister. Also there will be opposition parties.

The problem between the Sudanese Communist Party and the other parties is they don’t want to be a part of the government of the transition period. 5 people from army and 6 people from civilians. Because these 5 people from the army that will take part in, are accused to committing crimes against the people who were protesting in the streets. So Communist Party will not participate in this. But the communist party will be part of the future parliament, because there won’t be any army in the parliament. At the same time they will continue to take part in local politics. They will not just participate in the first level of government where the army that are being accused.

Sudan has been all the time, since 1965, the time when it gained independence from Great Britain, governed by the army. It means army is governing Sudan more than 60 years now. And to take them out completely needs some time.

T: The revolutionaries around the world are curious about how this revolution was being organized? In the neighborhoods – what were the people talking and discussing?

A: The revolution started in December 2018 and it started not because changing of the political situation but started because of the price of bread, which increased 3 times. It started in a marginalized area of Sudan called Atbara where just students of a school went out to the street and demanded to get a bread. Somehow police and security service started reacting violently against the people and killed many students. After that, other people joined this protests of the kids. And because of that, they were really angry and burned the building of the party of Omar al-Bashir, the National Congress Party. The next day people from different cities also went into solidarity with Atbara. Thats how the revolution started.

Before that, we have to also link it to the history. This is not the first revolution in Sudan. But there were two revolutions, 1946 and 1958. And all the time who were pushing for the revolution are the worker unions. When Omar al-Bashir came to power, first thing he did is to crack down all the worker unions. The idea behind it was that the worker unions cannot take any position to fight the government. The Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) started in 2012 to create an autonomous worker union and they first started with lawyers and doctors. Since 2012, they were just fighting for the worker rights like minimum wage etc. By this way they organized many members inside.

SPA had one demonstration register right of the workers and rise of the minimum wage. 2 days before what happened in Atbara. When they see what’s happening in Atbara they took the lead. And they changed the demand of the demonstration. Not only for the minimum wage, they called all the citizens to join them and putting down the regime of Omer al-Bashir.

This is how SPA took the lead. It was also an autonomous structure where no one knows who they are. But somehow they have been existing since 2012. They called in Facebook all citizens of Sudan to participate and organize themselves. At the same time there were local organizations working in districts called “Sudanese Resistance Committees”. It was created by people seeing themselves not a part of SPA but rather like “I need to participate in revolution”. And they made small groups consisting of 4-5 people. Those people know each other very well. By this way, 15-20 groups are created in every district. And no one knows who is inside of other groups. And they were going to demonstrations together.

At the same time, more people were joining also autonomously structured SPA and starting politically to have this demand. Then after 1 months of beginning, on 1st of January 2019, SPA made a call for a paper called Freedom and Change. In this paper there were suggestions how Sudan should be governed in the future. They said we need a democratic Sudan, this government has to go without any discussion. We don’t want Omer al-Bashir, we don’t want his government anymore. We need Sudan to be democratic country where people feel participating in politics, autonomously deciding for themselves.

They called all opposition parties if they agree on this paper to sign. For example the Sudanese Communist Party, the Sudanese Umma Party, the Sudanese Union Party signed it. And were part of the coalition. Also different political groups and civil society groups signed this paper.

There were 3 different groups who were working in revolution. One group SPA, another group local committees doing practical work mobilizing people to streets, tell them about the demonstrations. SPA was calling for the demo and organizing it.

What made this revolution successful is the local structure. You know, structure is built in this way but no one knows who is inside the structure. It was local in every place and it still exists until now. In this period of transition time of 3 years nothing will stop their mobilization and work. Every day they are doing different kinds of activism. They go to the streets, visiting the local people in the neighborhoods, visiting and supporting the people whose relatives or friends are killed. This is the structure that remained until now. This kind of structure is really helping because people will not rely on political parties still they will have their own structure in a local way. To guard the revolution and don’t let dictatorship to come again.

For example, in the last two days, one political party opened new office in Sudan and local people directly went there and asked where they took the money from to open this office. Because it was a nice place, in the middle of the country. Maybe it was funded by corruption and we don’t want corruption anymore in Sudan.

T: A woman in the revolution said: “Not the bullets but the silence is killing us.” How the people came to that point to sacrifice their life, how they came to this point? We know also that women took an important part in the revolution.

A: This has to do how much women were under repression from this regime. Because this regime of Omar al-Bashir is since 30 years like Muslim Brotherhood regime. Holding power in Sudan in the name of Islam, Sharia law. Unfortunately, when there is Sharia law, first things they do is to control woman. Women are not allowed to sit in public spaces, women are not allowed to wear trousers or other clothes, or in an area they cannot do this job because men are there. There were some universities just for women or just for men. These were happening for a long time since beginning of this government.

But in 2002 there was a law called Public Order Law with laws inside that were clearly against women. Since 2002-2003, women started to fight against this law and organized themselves. This also made women more experienced and have their autonomous structure. When this revolution started, women were already ready. That’s why when we see women on the streets it’s something normal.

Now in the new constitution paper that they signed, government has to support the rights of women. For example, in the parliament women will have a 40% quota.

We still see it’s not enough, because we need to also change the old structure of the opposition parties. Because in many parties women are not really presented. In the negotiation group there is just one or two women, the rest is men. Because of opposition parties who were not participating political work since 30 years in Sudan. They had to only work underground and that made it for women not so easy to participate. By writing this in constitution and pushing the political parties to change their structures, it will be possible for women to participate equally in Sudan.

T: People participating in the revolution didn’t really use violent methods. The reason was because they couldn’t obtain guns or was it a decision from the beginning?

A: I think you have to look to the history of Sudan. In Sudan, there has been war between North and South for 20 years. And the result of it is that South Sudan was born into new country in 2010. There is war in Darfur since 2003, there is war in Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile since 2011. And result of that more than 2 million people got killed, millions of people had to flee. Since 20 years people are getting killed and fleeing because of that reason.

People had this idea in their mind that we can not change this dictator with weapon anymore. Because also Darfur and in Nuba Mountain different groups are fighting against the government with weapons since 2003 and 2011. But they haven’t achieved anything. Because government has always more weapons. And people decided that the only method we can use is a peaceful revolution. For this, we are not going to use any violence against anyone. Because, if we use violence we are not stronger enough than the government. The government has more power to use violence and it gets supported by other countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, even Egypt. All these countries also don’t want Sudan to become a democracy.

Because civil disobedience has more success than using violence. That is what people learned from the history of Sudan. Also learned from the outside, for example what is happening in Syria. Using weapon against weapon collapses the country, but not bringing the people to power. That’s why we say all the time in Sudan, revolution is also about learning, about learning internationally from each other.

The same things happening in Rabaa al-Adawiya revolution in Egypt. All dictatorships learn from one book, but the interesting thing is that people doing the revolution they learn better than dictatorships. In Sudan, the army evicted them with violence and the army had the idea of people will be afraid, they won’t go to the street anymore and that we can hold the power. People saw it already in Egypt and they didn’t accept this. After the big massacre, people went to the streets more and more. The last demo was 30th of the July and in every city there were not less than 2-3 million people.

In Sudan, violence is not something new for us, we have had it since 30 years. This government is killing people since 20 years but people don’t talk about it. All other powers, especially Europe, because of controlling refugees don’t talk about it because of their own interests.

If you see how many people died in the revolution since 8 months maybe we can say 500-600 people. But now, revolution succeeded to reach something. But if people had used violence, maybe millions of people would have died and there wouldn’t have been any success.

T: If there weren’tany street actions, would the soldiers do a coup against the Omar al-Bashir regime? Is there is a big difference between today’s military and the Bashir’s regime?

A: First, if people did not go to the streets, they would not do anything. They are under pressure, because people are on the streets everyday. And that’s why people made the sit-in in front of the army building. This has to do for a long time with the history of Sudan, old revolutions have happened here before. People are going to streets and the army stayed on the side of the people and supported people and take the dictators out. This was happening two times in Sudan already.

For sure they would not do it, because for 30 years they didn’t do it. Because of the pressure by people they are doing. Now the difference is: people take their right on their hand. People are going to streets everyday, everywhere in Sudan opposition parties are making events, discussions and they don’t need to register. Even, it is better than what is going on in Europe. In Europe you have to call the police and ask for demonstration. In Sudan people are going to demo without telling to police. People took their right in their hand.

And in the constitution it will be written that people have the right to demonstrate. Police will not have the right stop people without any reason. Before, the Security service in Sudan had the right to do everything. They could arrest you, they could kill you. They were taking so much power from the president. But from now on it will be just an institution to collect information and give to police under the law.

T: With the Arab Spring there were revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. But the revolutions were stolen by the different powers inside the states or by the international powers. Do the people who are doing the revolution in Sudan have a prevention to stop this? Or can also Sudan revolution be stolen?

A: I don’t think so. Because, if you look at the constitution now, it will be built in a way that the old regime will not exist anymore. I think the problem with the all other revolutions in different Arabic countries is that they change the president but they don’t change the constitution. That means, people who are working for dictators still have the power and can bring us new dictators. People in Sudan learned from it. They say they need to change the whole constitution. That’s why there will be a new parliament where only people who were doing the revolution will be sitting.

The only way for the army or a dictator to come back again is to make a coup again. But also people will not accept this, people will go to streets again. Structures are not in the hands of the army anymore.

When in Egypt people did the revolution they just took out the only Husnu Mubarak, but the regime stayed. Exactly this is what’s happening also now in Algeria. The President of Algeria is away, but the whole constitution is there and the whole government is there.

T: Inside Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC) there were different groups like the Sudanese Communist Party, but also there were  anti-capitalist Muslims with the tradition of Mahmoud Mohammed Taha. What kind of groups is there in FFC and what is their ratios as power?

A: There are really left, anti-capitalist groups like Communist Party or Republican Party (anti-capitalist Muslims, Mahmoud Mohammed Taha). There are also different communist groups like Movement of Right (Harakat Haqq). They are also part of this coalition. Then, the other side, you see also traditional parties like the Union Party and the Umma Party.

In the constitution any kind of discrimination like race, religion, gender won’t be accepted.

And all agree on this and reached this point. Now, in Sudan, the left ideology is more accepted in society, because Omar al-Bashir government did everything in the name of Islam and Sharia for 30 years. That’s why, in the future, when people go to the streets, the first things they will demand that religion shouldn’t be a part of politics anymore. Religion has to stay in mosques and churches. There has to be a clear division.

But we shouldn’t forget that Sudan is an African country where the structure is not really strong. There is big movements that don’t want capitalism anymore, at the same time there is a big group of people thinking we need to develop the country, we need to have nice buildings, like thinking in a capitalist way. The next step is to not allow capitalism get power in Sudan. This is our next fight.

For example, I’m part of different groups doing politics since 2002, now also in Germany since 2012. But we are kind of a capitalist group, thinking Sudan has to be like Europe, like Germany. An important part of us saying no to it. We say now, until revolution maybe we are friends, but after the revolution we will be enemies. We will fight against capitalism, because we see what capitalism have done to the people. We don’t want capitalism to be strong in Sudan.

T: People who are on the streets leading and joining the revolution, what are the people’s professions? Were they workers, villagers or unemployed? What are their ages, what are their classes?

A: In the beginning it was generally young people who were in the street. First 3-4 months so many young people were on the streets, especially students and workers. I can put inside the workers from the doctors till the unemployed. Also, unemployed people organized themselves and making their own block. Also women did their own block.

But the interesting thing is that the whole society participated in it. Who was not going to streets tried to organize safe places for the people when they got attacked by the police and army. When there was a demo going on and a attack happened by police, old people stayed in front of their doors, opened their door and hid young people.

People, who are out of Sudan, for example in Europe, were preparing themselves from the beginning, spread the information, did info events, organized money, did demonstrations, talked about the involvement of imperialist countries and how they don’t want revolution to be successful.

T: How was the interest to the Sudan revolution from the left wing or opposition movements in Europe?

A: Unfortunately, there was not such a big interest in it. For example, in Berlin, we were fighting hard to just bring the voice of revolution to different groups, even to the streets. We were not really supported by any group. After 3-4 months, when the revolution was getting violent by the army, different left parties tried to lighten the issue but it was not really what were hoping for.

We shouldn’t also forget that Europe has a big interest in not changing Sudan, because the Bashir regime was working for Europe since 2014, for example in Khartum Process, a deal between Europe and African countries to stop African refugees to come to Europe. For that deal, the Sudanese old government got so much money, got training from European countries to control the borders.

I was writing everyday press releases about the situation in Sudan and was sending them to all parties from SPD to the Left Party (Die Linke) and I didn’t get any answer from them. After 2 months we could get an answer from Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung to make an info event about Sudan.

2 months before, when revolution was almost successful, we had a talk with one Left Party member from Germany Bundestag. We worked together and she held a Bundestag sitting where she asked about Sudan revolution and the money Germany gave to the Sudanese old government. But not more.

We made a sit-in in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Germany and we went inside the ministry and handed over our demands. We had also a demo in front of EU and we made a call of Sudanese people living in Europe. There, we also gave our demands to stop this deal with Sudan. Our work succeeded to put pressure in government of EU. EU stopped to give money for training the police of Sudan.

The new government will come and they will try to talk again about the deal. This is also our next step to work in Germany as Sudanese community here. Because we are sure to face deportations in Germany or in Europe. Because they will say now, Sudan is democracy then you have to go. They will try to activate the Khartum process.

Unfortunately, there is no international solidarity from left groups or even from left parties. From my side, I wouldn’t focus on leftist parties – I would focus on leftist groups. But leftist groups, they are not interested. Maybe it has to do with the fact that Sudan is far away. They never called for demo revolution in Sudan until now. And I was really thinking like: Is this about racism? This has because African people are not worth it? Are they not equal in the mind of leftists? They are really far away and cannot have any contact with African revolution?

For me, what’s happening in Sudan now, is really politically close to the leftist scene. A revolution hold by people, starting with autonomous structure, where people succeeded to kick out the dictator, where women take the lead. There was not really an interest in these issues. I’m questioning myself from time to time to understand the reason. And I couldn’t see a reason until now. But maybe we have to wait for the activists of the leftist scene to tell us why they don’t have any interest in the revolution of Sudan.

Einheit ist eine Waffe

Ali Ahmed lebt seit 2013 in Hamburg und ist Aktivist der Gruppe „Lampedusa in Hamburg“. Aktuell ist er einer von fünf Sprecher*innen, die die Interessen der sudanesischen Aufstandsbewegung im Ausland vertreten.

Am 30. Juni 1989 riss Omar al-Bashir die Macht im Sudan durch einen Militärputsch gegen eine zivile Regierung an sich. Dabei wurde er von der Islamischen Partei ideologisch massiv unterstützt. Schon zu Beginn seiner diktatorischen Herrschaft wurden Tausende entlassen und verhaftet. Nach der Ermordung von 28 Generälen, die sein Regime kritisiert hatten, im Ramadan 1993 begann eine massive Auswanderung aus politischen und ökonomischen Gründen, die die Wirtschaft des Landes erheblich beeinträchtigte.

Gleichzeitig begann im Süd-Sudan der Widerstand gegen die neuen Regeln für das öffentliche Leben, die die Islamische Partei durchgesetzt hatte, und führte bald zur Forderung nach Unabhängigkeit und eigener Verfügung über das Öl. Da das sudanesische Öl vor allem aus dem Süden stammt, bedeutete das ökonomische Probleme für das Land. Auch in anderen Teilen des Landes kam es zu kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen, die mit der Bildung einer großen Zahl von schwer bewaffneten Stammes-Milizen einherging. Die Wirtschaft litt unter den verschwenderischen Militärausgaben und wachsender Korruption, die Unterstützung von weltweit operierenden Terrorgruppen durch al-Bashir und seine Verstrickung in Anschläge führten zu Sanktionen, die die ökonomische und soziale Situation weiter verschlechterten.

Linke und andere sozialen Kräfte begannen sich zu organisieren und entwickelten politische Kampagnen mit Forderungen, die alle Menschen im Land vor Hunger und Armut bewahren würden. Diese haben in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten die Grundlage für die Revolution gelegt, die wir heute im Sudan bildeten erleben.

Die Bürger*innenproteste gegen die Regierung begannen im Dezember 2018 zunächst wegen der stark gestiegenen Brot-Preise, der allgemeinen Verschlechterung der Lebensbedingungen und des zunehmenden Zerfalsl staatlicher Infrastruktur. Schnell entwickelte sich daraus die Forderung nach dem Rücktritt al- Bashirs. Es begann in Städten mit starker Arbeiterschaft wie al Damazin, Port Sudan, Qadrif und Atbara vor allem in Norden und Osten des Landes ebenso wie in der Hauptstadt bis alle gemeinsam nach Khartum zogen, um einen zivilen Staat und das Ende der Militärdiktatur zu fordern. Beim Rücktritt von al-Bashir und wenig später, als der General und Übergangspräsident ibn Ouf zurücktrat, waren 4 Millionen Menschen mit der Forderung nach einer zivilen Regierung auf den Straßen.

Die Sudanese Professionals Alliance (SPA), eine Allianz aus 17 Branchengewerkschaften, übernahm in diesen Auseinandersetzungen die Führungsrolle, forderte die Demonstranten auf, keine Waffen auf das Militär zu richten und verlangte von der Regierung den friedlichen Protest zu respektieren. Am 1. Januar veröffentlichte sie gemeinsam mit 21 weiteren fortschrittlichen Organisationen die „Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel“, die Grundlage eines breiteren Bündnisses ist. Unsere Stärke liegt in unserer Einheit und der Orientierung auf den Frieden. Das führte dazu, dass sich auch Teile des Militärs mit den demonstrierenden Massen solidarisierten und sich weigerten, auf sie zu schießen. Dennoch wurden die friedlichen Demonstrationen immer wieder angegriffen um sie aufzulösen. Tränengas, Gummigeschosse, aber auch immer wieder Schusswaffen wurden eingesetzt. Die Toten und Verwundeten trugen zur Empörung der Bevölkerung bei und ließen die Proteste nicht abreißen: im Mai erreichte die Beteiligung mit 6 Millionen – das bedeutet jede*r sechste Einwohner*in – ihren Höhepunkt. Bemerkenswert ist, dass eine deutliche Mehrheit dieser Menschen Frauen sind, ebenso wie die Sprecher_innen des Bündnisses für Freiheit und Wandel.

Am 11. April verkündeten die Militärs die Absetzung von Omar al-Bashir und den Beginn einer zweijährigen Übergangsperiode, die mit Wahlen enden soll, nach denen die Macht von der Militärjunta übergeben werden soll. Diese Ankündigung wurde von der sudanesischen Bevölkerung mit Empörung aufgenommen, weil sie einen zivilen Staat fordert. Schon seit dem 6. April hatten Millionen von Demonstrant_innen aus der gesamten Region um Khartum begonnen, den Platz vor dem Hauptquartier zu besetzten und dieses sit-in wurde bis zu seiner gewaltsamen Auflösung am Ende des Ramadan am 3. Juni aufrechterhalten. Hunderte wurden getötet; weil viele Leichen in den Nil geworfen wurden, ist es schwer, eine exakte Zahl zu nennen. Mehr als 500 Menschen wurden schwer verletzt. Die Abschaltung des Internet hat die Kommunikation zwischen den Sudanesen in- und außerhalb des Landes extrem erschwert, so dass es schwierig ist, an zuverlässige Informationen zu kommen.

Nach dem Massaker hat die Afrikanische Union die Mitgliedschaft des Sudan ausgesetzt. Saudi-Arabien, die Emirate und Ägypten unterstützen weiter den Militärrat und die westlichen Länder hüllen sich ebenso wie die meisten Medien in Schweigen.

Am 30. Juni werden Sudanesen überall im Land und weltweit auf die Straßen gehen, um deutlich zu machen, dass sie ihren Traum von einem zivilen Staat, gesellschaftlichem Frieden, sozialer Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit für alle nicht aufgeben, sondern weiter dafür kämpfen, dass er Wirklichkeit wird.

Die “Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel” ist auf der Seite der SPA dokumentiert:

Einheit ist eine Waffe

Ali Ahmed lebt seit 2013 in Hamburg und ist Aktivist der Gruppe „Lampedusa in Hamburg“. Aktuell ist er einer von fünf Sprecher*innen, die die Interessen der sudanesischen Aufstandsbewegung im Ausland vertreten.

Am 30. Juni 1989 riss Omar al-Bashir die Macht im Sudan durch einen Militärputsch gegen eine zivile Regierung an sich. Dabei wurde er von der Islamischen Partei ideologisch massiv unterstützt. Schon zu Beginn seiner diktatorischen Herrschaft wurden Tausende entlassen und verhaftet. Nach der Ermordung von 28 Generälen, die sein Regime kritisiert hatten, im Ramadan 1993 begann eine massive Auswanderung aus politischen und ökonomischen Gründen, die die Wirtschaft des Landes erheblich beeinträchtigte.

Gleichzeitig begann im Süd-Sudan der Widerstand gegen die neuen Regeln für das öffentliche Leben, die die Islamische Partei durchgesetzt hatte, und führte bald zur Forderung nach Unabhängigkeit und eigener Verfügung über das Öl. Da das sudanesische Öl vor allem aus dem Süden stammt, bedeutete das ökonomische Probleme für das Land. Auch in anderen Teilen des Landes kam es zu kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen, die mit der Bildung einer großen Zahl von schwer bewaffneten Stammes-Milizen einherging. Die Wirtschaft litt unter den verschwenderischen Militärausgaben und wachsender Korruption, die Unterstützung von weltweit operierenden Terrorgruppen durch al-Bashir und seine Verstrickung in Anschläge führten zu Sanktionen, die die ökonomische und soziale Situation weiter verschlechterten.

Linke und andere sozialen Kräfte begannen sich zu organisieren und entwickelten politische Kampagnen mit Forderungen, die alle Menschen im Land vor Hunger und Armut bewahren würden. Diese haben in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten die Grundlage für die Revolution gelegt, die wir heute im Sudan bildeten erleben.

Die Bürger*innenproteste gegen die Regierung begannen im Dezember 2018 zunächst wegen der stark gestiegenen Brot-Preise, der allgemeinen Verschlechterung der Lebensbedingungen und des zunehmenden Zerfalsl staatlicher Infrastruktur. Schnell entwickelte sich daraus die Forderung nach dem Rücktritt al- Bashirs. Es begann in Städten mit starker Arbeiterschaft wie al Damazin, Port Sudan, Qadrif und Atbara vor allem in Norden und Osten des Landes ebenso wie in der Hauptstadt bis alle gemeinsam nach Khartum zogen, um einen zivilen Staat und das Ende der Militärdiktatur zu fordern. Beim Rücktritt von al-Bashir und wenig später, als der General und Übergangspräsident ibn Ouf zurücktrat, waren 4 Millionen Menschen mit der Forderung nach einer zivilen Regierung auf den Straßen.

Die Sudanese Professionals Alliance (SPA), eine Allianz aus 17 Branchengewerkschaften, übernahm in diesen Auseinandersetzungen die Führungsrolle, forderte die Demonstranten auf, keine Waffen auf das Militär zu richten und verlangte von der Regierung den friedlichen Protest zu respektieren. Am 1. Januar veröffentlichte sie gemeinsam mit 21 weiteren fortschrittlichen Organisationen die „Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel“, die Grundlage eines breiteren Bündnisses ist. Unsere Stärke liegt in unserer Einheit und der Orientierung auf den Frieden. Das führte dazu, dass sich auch Teile des Militärs mit den demonstrierenden Massen solidarisierten und sich weigerten, auf sie zu schießen. Dennoch wurden die friedlichen Demonstrationen immer wieder angegriffen um sie aufzulösen. Tränengas, Gummigeschosse, aber auch immer wieder Schusswaffen wurden eingesetzt. Die Toten und Verwundeten trugen zur Empörung der Bevölkerung bei und ließen die Proteste nicht abreißen: im Mai erreichte die Beteiligung mit 6 Millionen – das bedeutet jede*r sechste Einwohner*in – ihren Höhepunkt. Bemerkenswert ist, dass eine deutliche Mehrheit dieser Menschen Frauen sind, ebenso wie die Sprecher_innen des Bündnisses für Freiheit und Wandel.

Am 11. April verkündeten die Militärs die Absetzung von Omar al-Bashir und den Beginn einer zweijährigen Übergangsperiode, die mit Wahlen enden soll, nach denen die Macht von der Militärjunta übergeben werden soll. Diese Ankündigung wurde von der sudanesischen Bevölkerung mit Empörung aufgenommen, weil sie einen zivilen Staat fordert. Schon seit dem 6. April hatten Millionen von Demonstrant_innen aus der gesamten Region um Khartum begonnen, den Platz vor dem Hauptquartier zu besetzten und dieses sit-in wurde bis zu seiner gewaltsamen Auflösung am Ende des Ramadan am 3. Juni aufrechterhalten. Hunderte wurden getötet; weil viele Leichen in den Nil geworfen wurden, ist es schwer, eine exakte Zahl zu nennen. Mehr als 500 Menschen wurden schwer verletzt. Die Abschaltung des Internet hat die Kommunikation zwischen den Sudanesen in- und außerhalb des Landes extrem erschwert, so dass es schwierig ist, an zuverlässige Informationen zu kommen.

Nach dem Massaker hat die Afrikanische Union die Mitgliedschaft des Sudan ausgesetzt. Saudi-Arabien, die Emirate und Ägypten unterstützen weiter den Militärrat und die westlichen Länder hüllen sich ebenso wie die meisten Medien in Schweigen.

Am 30. Juni werden Sudanesen überall im Land und weltweit auf die Straßen gehen, um deutlich zu machen, dass sie ihren Traum von einem zivilen Staat, gesellschaftlichem Frieden, sozialer Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit für alle nicht aufgeben, sondern weiter dafür kämpfen, dass er Wirklichkeit wird.

Die “Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel” ist auf der Seite der SPA dokumentiert:

39 months City Plaza: the end of an era, the beginning of a new one

On 10th July 2019 the keys of squatted City Plaza were handed back to the former employees of the hotel, to whom the mobile equipment in the building belongs. All refugees living at City Plaza have been moved to safe housing within the city.

On 22 April 2016, the Economic and Political Refugee Solidarity Initiative squatted the empty City Plaza building with a two-fold goal: to create, on the one hand, a space of safety and dignity in which to house refugees in the centre of the city and, on the other, to create a centre of struggle against racism, borders, and social exclusion. For the freedom of movement and for the right to stay.

The decision to squat was taken at a critical political juncture. On 18th March 2016, one month before the squat opened, the EU-Turkey deal to restrict the movement of refugees to Europe was signed. It was the deal that marked the end of the “summer of migration” – the period which began in July 2015 when, under pressure from approximately one million people, the European borders “opened”. This was the deal that turned the islands of the Aegean into a sort of prison for migrants, and which turned mainland Greece into a trap for over 60,000 people. The SYRIZA-ANEL government, following its capitulation to the neoliberal management of the economic crisis, took on the the implementation of a policy of control, deterrence and discouragement of migration. With Frontex and NATO patrolling the Aegean, with detention centres such as Moria on the islands, with awful camps as the only policy for housing refugees on the mainland, by punishing solidarity and the struggle of refugees. During that time, the housing issue was very pressing. The refugees who had arrived in Athens were either homeless or were being housed in the awful camps of Elliniko, Malakasa, or the port of Piraeus, while hundreds of people slept in tents or cardboard boxes in city streets and squares.

It was while these were happening that a discussion began within the Economic and Political Refugee Solidarity Initiative, which led to the decision to squat City Plaza, a hotel on Acharnon street which remained shut for seven years. The decision had certain features of voluntarism, and was not justified by the forces in our disposal, nor by the state of the anti-authoritarian movement at the time. Yet it was a move which addressed the political situation and the great struggle of the refugees who had, over the previous months, opened the borders of Fortress Europe and thus won their right to freedom of movement. It also matched the massive and spontaneous social solidarity movement which developed along the length of the migration route.

City Plaza as an example of dignified housing, space for social solidarity and cooperation between locals and migrants.

From its inception, City Plaza was organized around two key goals:

  • to create a space for safe and dignified housing for migrants in the centre of the city, a space of solidarity and cooperation between locals and migrants.
  • to function as a centre of struggle in which political and social demands by migrants and locals will interweave and complement each other.

CP proved in practice that the state policy of “hospitality” towards refugees is a mixture of harshness, incompetence, and political expediency. Where the solidarity movement, without any funding from formal institutions, without any “experts” or employees, managed to create one of the best housing spaces in the centre of the city, the state continued to abide by the trapping of refugees in makeshift camps and tents in the mainland, and by imposing a regime of refuting the rights of refugees and detaining them in hot spots on the islands, at the threat of deportation.
This contrast was the key element which led to mass support for CP at the beginning of its operation, by individual activists, organizations/collectives of the left, as well as by people who joined the movement for the first time there. Of course, because of the ownership status of the hotel, there were several attacks “from the left” which, fully aligned with the narrative of the owner and the petty bourgeois rhetoric on the “supreme human right to property”, attempt to belittle the effort, by spreading conspiracy theories (ranging from claims that we’re being funded by Soros, SYRIZA, the German State, to claims that we traffic drugs, firearms, children, and sex workers), slandering the collective and the activists who are part of it.

City Plaza proved in practice that refugees and locals can live together when, instead of isolation, punishment, and hatred, there is solidarity, struggle, and community. At the opposite pole from the camps, located outside the cities and in awful conditions, CP managed, in a difficult neighbourhood, until recently patrolled by neonazis, to brighten the formerly dark corner between Acharnon and Katrivanou, by giving it the character of security truly valued by those from below: the security of dignified housing, community, solidarity, and vitality of the people selflessly fighting for better lives.

At the same time, dozens of people showed their solidarity around the world. Through their daily presence, their participation in shifts, positive attitude and a large-scale international campaign for the financial support of the project. Dozens of crates of food and other essentials were sent to Plaza, thousands of people and groups made donations to support the project, which relied solely on donations for its survival.

City Plaza also served as a centre for struggle. Aiming to internationally denounce the anti-refugee policies of the SYRIZA-ANEL government and the EU, we brought to the fore topics such as criminal responsibility for shipwrecks and loss of human life, the delay or obstruction of sea rescue, the practice of illegal pushbacks in Evros and the Aegean, the conditions of imprisonment in hotspots. City Plaza hosted dozens of open discussions on the border regime, racism, the struggle for rights, often featuring contributions by well-known intellectuals from around the world, such as Judith Butler, Angela Davis, David Harvey, Alain Badiou, Sandro Mezzandra, among others. Yet the goal was not just to highlight issues relating to migrant struggles, but also to link them to the struggles of locals. In the rallies for International Worker’s Day, the Polytechnic Uprising, antifascist and feminist protests, the City Plaza block was present throughout the three years.

The City Plaza community: Practices, Rights, Cooperation.

The answer to the question of what City Plaza is is known to the thousands of people who passed through its doors: CP is a project for the realisation of a conception of everyday life which aims to empower those “from below”, in the constitution of a space of freedom, which practically realises an aspect of the society we envision.

Its mode of operation expressed a politics of everyday life which is in opposition to the dominant model of managing migration, especially to its “NGOisation”. At the core of this voluntary contribution of time, effort, and emotion was not the “provision of services” to “the vulnerable” but the attempt to combat insecurity and fear, to empower and encourage confidence and trust in the collective. Help to refugees was re-politicised – and became solidarity and common struggle. Self-organisation, shared responsibility and decision making were central, as was a constant reflection on the inequalities permeating relations within the project: localisation, class, gender, language, education, etc.

Despite the inherent contradictions and difficulties, the collective experience of organising everyday life was the foundation for building a strong community of solidarity. At the same time, in this context, and in contrast to dominant victimising narratives, refugees and migrants became dynamic subjects with an active role on social and political life.

Daily life at CP was based on the principle of participatory organisation and collective decision making and operations, processes particularly complex in a community of 350 people speaking different languages, and with different ethnic, class, and social backgrounds, and different plans for the future. Regular coordination meetings became the space in which equal discussion took place on issues of operation and organisation, while House meetings were – especially in the beginning – a real lesson in how we can and should discuss, operate, and co-implement, as refugees and as locals. The organisation of residents and solidarians into working groups was a component of organising the project but also an essential basis for developing personal and political relationships amongst ourselves. The working groups were: Reception, Education, Children’s Activities, Health Centre, Kitchen, Security, Economics, Cleaning, Communications, as well as a self-organized Women’s Space.

In its 36 months of operation, City Plaza hosted over 2,500 refugees from 13 different countries. About 100 of the 126 rooms of the hotel hosted 350 refugees at any one time, while the remaining 26 either served as communal spaces (classrooms, women’s space, storage space) or to host solidarians from around the world. It was, after all, City Plaza’s political choice to not serve as a housing space “for” refugees but as a space of cohabitation and shared everyday life.

Yet we will not provide statistics referring to countries of origin, ages or ‘vulnerable” cases. In contrast, we will provide “statistics” on the enormous amount of resources that the movement was able to mobilise in order to keep City Plaza going:

* 812,250 hot meals were prepared by the kitchen team

* 74,500 work hours on security shifts

* 28,630 hours of shifts at reception

* 5,100 hours of language teaching and creative educational activities

* 69,050 rolls of toilet paper

However, the most important things cannot be counted. They have to do with human relationships, mutual respect and solidarity, emotions and experiences, optimism born out of common struggle.

The end of an era, the beginning of a new one

Such a project demands enormous resources. It is not a political squat which can stay closed for a couple of days in August without any problems. It is a space which demands a daily commitment, responsibility, and presence. Besides, the way we see it, self-organization is not automatic. To the contrary, it requires many hours of work, often endless processes of shared decision making, and interminable difficulties. In other words, self-organization and solidarity are not theory. They are action in the here and now. Action full of contradictions and life’s problems. In a society in which authoritarianism, war, capitalism, and competition between the subjugated is considered normal, while multiple divisions and hierarchies permeate us all, because of our origins, genders, and class backgrounds, self-organisation is not a slogan. It is a struggle.

Unfortunately, as often happens in many self-organized projects, enthusiasm, commitment, and participation dwindle over time – especially when circumstances are so demanding. The fact that the overwhelming majority of City Plaza residents are in transit made it impossible to hand the operation of the squat completely over to the refugees as most of them, sooner or later, left for Europe. At the same time, the material resources required for a project of such size – for food, hygiene products, medications, building maintenance – became harder to come by, despite the fact that comrades throughout Europe have demonstrated extraordinary commitment.

On the basis of all of the above, shortly before City Plaza celebrated its two-year anniversary, and following calls to collectives and spaces which supported the project from its inception, there opened a difficult and contradictory discussion on how long City Plaza can carry on, or whether and how it should adapt, given that we did not wish to see the project decline. There was a dilemma on whether we would move towards the direction of “normalising/ legalising” the squat or towards completing the project, while also looking for new ways to keep the community it created alive in a different context.
The first option was found to be politically undesirable, as it clashes with City Plaza’s character as a political alternative to NGOisation, and leads to a disconnect between the issues of safe housing and collective struggle and rights demands more generally.

We decided that, despite it being a difficult choice, City Plaza should rightly close the way it began and operated: as a political project, by protecting the central element which turned it into a example, that is organisation from below, safe and dignified living, community of struggle, and addressed to society as a whole.

During the House meeting of 26th May 2018, we jointly decided on this direction – not without contradictions and disagreements – and there was an extensive discussion about how to implement such a decision. Beginning in June 2018, City Plaza did not accept new residents, while there was a collective commitment that the project would not wind down until every resident had found acceptable accommodation. This commitment was not at all simple to implement. The wider circumstances of dealing with the refugee question – both from the point of view of the SYRIZA-ANEL government and from the point of view of NGOs, did not provide an opportunity to provide institutionally guaranteed housing to residents, while other spaces and squats could not house such a large number of refugees, despite positive attempts to support this.

One year on, and while the project was winding down, the expected change in the political landscape, with the imminent re-election of New Democracy, made it imperative to once more address the pace at which the project is progressing towards its close, taking into account the fact that, over the past several months, several refugees had gradually moved to safe housing. Plaza has two pending court orders for its evacuation, while high-ranking New Democracy members made daily references to the “destruction of private property” and the “lawlessness” at City Plaza. In this respect, evacuation could be used as a deterrent, while many refugees, especially those with no fixed legal status, could face disproportionate consequences (deportation, detention, etc.). Even though, for some, an evacuation by New Democracy could be seen as a “heroic exit”, for which few political explanations would need to be given, nevertheless most City Plaza residents would be put in danger, especially in view of their already vulnerable and unstable status.

This reconfirmed the decision to bring City Plaza to a close, on a collective basis and in our own terms. All refugees found safe housing. In the almost eighteen months between the decision to shut down and its implementation, most refugees moved on towards Northern Europe. Out of those who remained at City Plaza, some had the opportunity to rent their own place, as they had since found employment, while others still resorted to collective solutions. Through shared spaces and other housing projects which we have already put in place, along with the impossibly persistent network of all the people who actively participated in the project (refugees and solidarians), the community will continue to exist long after the building has been abandoned.

City Plaza’s closure is linked to the wider movement’s inability to develop effective forms of organization, mobilisation, and discourse on the refugee questions, which match the demands of the time. It is true that many parts of the wider social movement decided on different degrees of involvement, being unable to support the project and/or develop similar ones, which would galvanise our efforts through a new dynamic. This position is not apportioning blame, but highlights the project as part of a wider social and political process, reflecting the ideological-political and organisational crisis within the movement, with which we will have to deal in the next phase.

City Plaza was an invaluable political experience for all who took part, but also a political event far greater than the sum of its parts. Without exaggeration, CP was the pan-European symbol which concentrated resistance to the racist and repressive migration regime of the EU, following the closure of the borders after the EU-Turkey deal was signed. Equally, it served as a strong counter-example at a time of pessimism and demobilisation for the left, and a time of resurgence for the far right.

City Plaza was a great struggle which, like all great struggles, cannot be counted as a clear victory or a clear defeat. It is a chapter in antiracist and migration struggles and, at the same time, an experiment in social movements, an unexpected mix of different needs, sociopolitical, gendered, and class experiences. This meeting, like every mixture, needs some time for the multiple experiences to settle and leave their trace on our individual and collective consciousness.In this milieu, new forms of resistance, struggle, and relationships of cooperation and solidarity will form – in Athens as well as in the dozens of cities at which City Plaza residents will arrive, as well as in the daily struggles against the barbarism or racism and repressive policies.

The City Plaza collective was, from the beginning, aware of its contradictory makeup. The alternative it proposed could not but me incomplete, dependent on the circumstances in which it was born and the subjective capacities of the movement and its people, with their brains, hearts, and bodies. Yet it was also restricted, like every struggle for rights and equal participation, which impinges on the power of capitalist exploitation, the imposition and reproduction of nationalist, racist, and gendered hierarchies and divisions.

City Plaza is a link in a chain of struggles for social emancipation. A peculiar struggle, as it began from the small and the everyday, from how to cook the food and how to clean the building, and extended to resistance to the border regime and to multiple levels of discrimination. For those of us who took part in it, CP was an opportunity to redefine and to reflect on political thought and practice, relations of power, everyday life, cohabitation and its terms, self-organisation and its contradictions. We say goodbye to S(p)iti Plaza with one promise: to transfer this rich experience, to continue to enrich and broaden the ways and the places of common struggle.

Solidarity will win!

Source: https://www.facebook.com/sol2refugeesen/

The Greek Version can be found in Daily Resistance #6

STOP THE DEPORTATION OF NIGERIANS – FOR FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT!

Deutsch: Flüchtlingsprotest und Solidaritäts-Demonstration in Gotha zusammen mit The VOICE Refugee Forum
http://thevoiceforum.org/node/4625

Refugee Protest and Solidarity in Gotha together with The VOICE Refugee Forum

Saturday, 10.08.2019 Gotha Train Station

10 am | RBB Solidarity Installation

2 pm | Rally

3 pm | DEMONSTRATION

Refugee Protest in Gotha: There will be Refugee Black Box Installation – Paint it Black! before the Demonstration on Saturday, August 10th, 2019 | 10 am

RBB Performance Gyration | Music and Cultural Programm till the end.

STOP THE TERROR OF DEPORTATIONS – BREAK THE ISOLATION!!

We Nigerians, refugees from Gotha, together with activists from The VOICE Refugee Forum are calling for your solidarity. We live here in the refugee lager in Gotha and are witnessing how our brothers and sisters are being deported at nighttime.

Most of us have a long journey to escape the horror that we have experienced. On our way, we survived the desert and the Mediterranean sea. Some of us survived as well the streets of Italy, where we looked for a small shelter to protect ourselves and children from the rain and cold winds. Now, we do not sleep because every night the police might come and deport us back to Nigeria or any other country. Our lives are dominated by the permanent fear that the German government is putting on us and our children.

This fear has increased since last year we heard that the Nigerian and German governments are talking to deport up to 30.000 Nigerian brothers and sisters from Germany. They are selling and pushing us without asking how and where we would like to live. They ignore our wishes to live a life in peace, security and dignity. We have not fled to here to live in an isolation camp in Thuringia. We want to shape our future and that of our children.

We cannot accept how we are pushed from one to another country and how
our lives are endangered. We cannot accept how unsafe countries and
societies are labeled safe and refugees are sent back there, as it is done for refugees from Afghanistan.

We call for a parade and demonstration with Refugee Black Box Installation and Performance here in Gotha. With our presence we show what the bureaucrats in both, the German and Nigerian, governments are doing: They destroy our lives. Since 2011 both governments have strengthened their cooperation. One of the main areas is migration. On the one side the people are biometrically captured by technology provided by Germany and on the other side Nigerian refugees are deported from Germany. The award for every deported refugee is economical contracts and money that is fed to a corrupt regime.
We call for other refugees to solidarize and build a common struggle against the inhuman attacks on us. The new laws are further cutting the minimum rights we had. We have no other opportunity than to stand up for our dignity and those of our children.

We ask all other refugees to build their own Refugee Black Boxes and installations to show the communities’ networks of solidarity. Let us know how you see the deportations and the isolation that you are forced to live in.

We call on all progressive activists, friends and sympathizers, refugees and non-refugees to join us in launching our campaign against deportation of Nigerians and to protest against the deportations and against isolation of refugees.

Bring your Refugee Black Box!

Send your solidarity message to us. If you are not able to come to make your own Black Box you can send a photo of your Refugee Black Box to the Facebook page of the Refugee Black Box:

https://www.facebook.com/RefugeeBlackBox or check your messenger for
@RefugeeBlackBox

If you cannot come you can give a small or big donation for our fellow sisters and brothers that want to come to Gotha from Erfurt, Jena or elsewhere but cannot afford the ticket due to the limited money they have as refugees. Donations, one Euro or more, can be transferred to the account of THE VOICE Refugee Forum given below.

RBB Press: Refugee Black Box is a political agenda.

Power to the people in the revolutionary form and not just as a slogan. The idea must be extended to all people of the world in a practical way. Slow but powerful and strong.

Solidarity is not only our weapon, but it is our resisted oppressed bodies.
Our presence is our resistance and our resistance is our solidarity.

The Refugee Black Box activists with African Community of Guineans in Jena, The Afghanistan refugee community and MOVE in Erfurt with the Refugee Cafe in Goettingen will be demonstrating with us.

Contact:

Gotha: Vivian Chikodinaka: Tel. +49 152 16380860, Prince Cassidy Presido: +49 152 14159888

Jena: The VOICE Refugee Forum +49 176-24568988, Oury Diallo: +49 151 54660418

Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/RefugeeBlackBox/

Donations to:

Förderverein The VOICE e.V.
Sparkasse Göttingen
Kontonummer: 127829
BLZ: 260 500 01
IBAN: DE97 2605 0001 0000 1278 29
BIC: NOLADE21GOE

We are grateful for any donation (tax deductible, donation receipt if wanted)!

Daily Resistance Assembly #2 on June 23

What is the current situation of our newspaper Daily Resistance? How could and should it continue? The second Daily Resistance Assembly takes place on June 23, 2019 in Café Karanfil. Come, discuss and decide with us!

English below / Francais en bas / Türkçe aşağıda

23. Juni 2019, 13 – 18 Uhr im Café Karanfil, Mahlower Str. 7 (U8-Boddinstr.)

Liebe Aktivist*innen, Autor*innen, Verteiler*innen, Leser*innen, Freund*innen und alle interessierten Menschen, 
im März fand die erste Daily Resistance Assembly statt. Viele von euch sind gekommen. Wir haben zusammen über die Zeitung gesprochen, und wir haben gemeinsam Entscheidungen getroffen, wie es mit Daily Resistance weitergeht. Wir wollen das begonnene Gespräch mit euch fortsetzen!
Wir haben entschieden, dass es regelmäßige Assemblys geben soll. Sie sollen einen Ort des Austauschs und Kontakts zwischen verschiedenen Initiativen des Refugee Movements schaffen, um gemeinsam darüber zu sprechen, was es in den Initiativen Neues gibt und was aktuell wichtige Themen sind. 
Die nächste Assembly findet am 23.6.2019 von 13 Uhr bis 18 Uhr im Café Karanfil statt (Mahlower Str. 7, U8-Boddinstr.).

Ende Juli soll außérdem die nächste Ausgabe von Daily Resistance erscheinen. Deshalb schlagen wir vor, diese Assembly auch dafür zu nutzen, um gemeinsam Forderungen zu sammeln, zu erarbeiten und zu erneuern. Wir wollen sie in der nächsten Ausgabe von Daily Resistance abdrucken, vielleicht direkt als Poster zum Rausnehmen.
Wenn ihr Fragen habt oder Themen vorschlagen wollt, schreibt uns eine Mail. Bitte sagt uns Bescheid, ob ihr kommt und ob ihr Kinderbetreuung braucht:dailyresistance@systemli.org


Hoffentlich bis bald! 
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DAILY RESISTANCE ASSEMBLY June 23rd 2019, 13:00 – 18:00, Café Karanfil, Mahlower Str. 7 (U8-Boddinstr.)

Dear activists*, authors*, distributors*, readers*, friends* and all interested people, our first Daily Resistance Assembly took place in March. Many of you came! Together we discussed the situation of our newspaper and decided, how to continue with Daily Resistance.  Now we would like to continue our conversation with you!
We therefore decided to organise the Daily Resistance Assembly more often. We hope the Assembly can give opportunity for exchange and contact between the many initiatives of the Refugee Movement. We hope the Assembly can discuss, what’s new in our initiatives, and to address those questions that are most important right now.  
Our next Assembly will take place 23.6.2019, 13 to 18 hours at Café Karanfil (Mahlower Str. 7, U8-Boddinstr.).

By the end of July we also want to publish the next issue of Daily Resistance. We therefore suggest to collect common demands, to articulate new demands as well as to renew the existing ones during this Assembly. We want to publish them in the next Daily Resistance, maybe even in form of a poster to take out.
If you have questions or if you want to suggest a topic beforehand, send us an email.Please let us know, if you can come and if you need childcare: dailyresistance@systemli.org


We hope to see you soon! 
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ASSEMBLÉE DE DAILY RESISTANCE, le 23 juin 2019, de 13h00 à 18h00au Café Karanfil, Mahlower Str. 7 (U8-Boddinstr.) 

Chèr*es activist*es, auteurs*, distributeur*es, lecteur*es, ami*es et toutes personnes intéressées,
la première Assemblée de Daily Resistance a eu lieu en mars. Beaucoup de vous sont venu*es. Ensemble, nous avons parlé du journal et nous avons pris des décisions ensemble concernant la question de comment procéder avec Daily Resistance.  Nous voulons continuer la conversation que nous avons commencé avec vous!
Nous avons décidé qu’il devrait y avoir des assemblées régulières – pour créer un lieu d’échange et de contact entre les différentes initiatives du Mouvement des Réfugiés pour discuter ensemble de ce qui est nouveau dans les initiatives et de ce qui est actuellement important.
La prochaine Assemblée aura lieu le 23.6.2019 de 13h00 à 18h00 au Café Karanfil (Mahlower Str. 7, U8-Boddinstr.)

La prochaine édition de Daily Resistance paraîtra fin juillet. C’est pourquoi nous proposons d’utiliser cette Assemblée pour collecter, développer et renouveler ensemble les demandes. Nous voulons les imprimer dans le prochain numéro de Daily Resistance, peut-être directement sous forme d’affiche.Si vous avez des questions ou si vous souhaitez suggérer des sujets, veuillez nous envoyer un message.
S´il vous plait, faites nous savoir si vous venez et si vous avez besoin d’une garderie d`enfance:dailyresistance@systemli.org.

Nous esperons de vous voir bientôt !
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DAILY RESISTANCE GENEL TOPLANTISI, 23. haziran 2019, 13 – 18 saatleri arasındaCafé Karanfil, Mahlower Str. 7 (U8-Boddinstr.)


Sevgili aktivistler, yazarlar, dağıtımcılar ve ilgili arkadaşlar,
Mart ayı içinde birinci Daily Resistance gazetesi genel toplantısı gerçekleştirildi. Sizlerden çok sayıda katılım oldu. Birlikte görüş alış verişi yaptık. Daily Resistance gazetesine nasıl devam edebileceğimiz üzerine konuştuk. 
İlk görüşmeyi hatırlatmak istiyoruz:Karar verdik ki bu genel toplantıyı düzenli olarak yapmamız gerekli. Farklı insiyatifler ve mülteci hareketleriyle bağlar kurup yeni gruplar ve aktüel gündemler üzerine fikir alış verişi yapmak istiyoruz.

Önümüzdeeki genel toplantı; 23.6.2019 tarilinde 13-18 saatleri arasında Cafe Karanfil (Mahlowerstr.7 U-8 Boddinstr.) de gerçekleştirilecektir.
Temmuz sonunda Daily Resistance gazetesinin yeni sayısını basmak istiyoruz. Bu yeni sayı öncesi genel toplantıda talep ve önerilerimizi toplamak istiyoruz. Belki yeni sayı için posteri beraber hazırlayabiliriz.
Eğer bir soru ya da öneriniz varsa email adresinden bize yazabilirsiniz. Gelmek istiyorsanız ve çocuk bakıcılığına ihtiyacınız varsa lütfen bize bildirin: dailyresistance@systemli.org.

Yakında görüşmek dileyiyle.

Daily Resistance Assembly on March 31st

Francais en bas, Deutsch unten

What is the current situation of our newspaper Daily Resistance? How could and should it continue? The first Daily Resistance Assembly takes place on March 31, 2019. Come, discuss and decide with us!

Why: Daily Resistance was created as a newspaper from the Refugee Movement to publish experiences, positions and discussions from the movement. Daily Resistance should be a means of resistance and help us
to organize. But at the moment the editorial group consists only of a small group of activists*. WE LACK THE EXCHANGE WITH OTHER ACTIVISTS, WE
LACK YOUR IMPULSES, EXPERIENCES, IDEAS AND CRITICISM. THAT’S WHAT DAILY RESISTANCE LIVES FROM, AND THAT’S WHAT THIS NEWSPAPER IS FOR.

What: We think that the newspaper needs a different structure, a different way of working and a bigger “we”. It needs a space for collective decisions about Daily Resistance. There we will discuss and clarify together what the newspaper can be and what it can do for us in
our political contexts. This requires a regular opportunity for exchange and contact between people who want to use the newspaper as an instrument.

Our suggestion is to call an assembly: TWICE A YEAR WE WOULD LIKE TO ORGANIZE AN ASSEMBLY. There we want to talk about what is important in your initiatives and how it can appear in the newspaper. It can be about fundamental debates, about the political orientation of the newspaper, but also about individual topics like choice of articles or organisatorial questions about finances, translations or distribution. We meet to get new ideas, to think together and to make the newspaper again a project of many people for many people. Through the assembly many can participate in the newspaper, discuss,without regularly attending the editorial meetings – though each of you is very welcome
there as well. THE ASSEMBLY SHOULD FUNCTION AS A SPACE WHERE WE CAN CONSULT COLLECTIVELY AND MAKE DECISIONS TOGETHER.

Do you have ideas, criticism, suggestions? Come to the first Daily Resistance Assembly:

Date: 31 March 2019, 13 – 18 Location: Aquarium, Skalitzer Str. 6, Kreuzberg
During the meeting there will be childcare and food.

Procedure
1st block 13 – 15:00 o’clock
Welcoming
Aims of the assembly
What do we want to use Daily Resistance for?
What is happening in your initiatives right now?
15 – 16 h lunch break
2nd block 16 – 18 o’clock
Assembly method and structure
Concrete questions, outlook, planning
Final round: Statement of the assembly

If you have questions or you want to suggest a topic beforehand, talk to us: email/phone or pad: http://pad.riseup.net/p/Daily-Resistance-Assembly
Please let us know if you can come and if you need childcare: dailyresistance@systemli.org

We hope to see you soon!

Your DR`s – Turgay, Younous, Sarah, Johann, Kathrin, Sönke, Anka

—————————————————————————————

Wie steht es um unsere Zeitung Daily Resistance? Wie kann und soll es mit ihr weitergehen?
Am 31. März 2019 findet die erste Daily Resistance – Assembly statt. Kommt, sprecht und entscheidet mit!

Warum: Daily Resistance ist als Zeitung aus dem Refugee-Movement entstanden, um Erfahrungen, Positionen, Diskussionen aus der Bewegung zu
veröffentlichen. Daily Resistance soll ein Mittel des Widerstands sein und helfen, uns gemeinsam zu organisieren. Doch im Moment besteht die Redaktionsgruppe nur aus einer kleinen Gruppe von Aktivist*innen. UNS FEHLT DER AUSTAUSCH MIT ANDEREN AKTIVIST*INNEN, UNS FEHLEN EURE IMPULSE, ERFAHRUNGEN, IDEEN UND KRITIK. DENN DAVON LEBT DAILY RESISTANCE, UND DAFÜR GIBT ES DIESE ZEITUNG.

Was: Wir denken, dass die Zeitung eine andere Struktur braucht, eine andere Arbeitsweise und ein größeres „Wir”. Es braucht einen Raum für kollektive Entscheidungen über Daily Resistance. Dort soll
gemeinsam diskutiert und geklärt werden, was die Zeitung sein kann und was sie für uns in unseren politischen Zusammenhängen tun kann. Dazu braucht es eine regelmäßige Möglichkeit für Austausch und Kontakt zwischen Menschen, die die Zeitung als Instrument nutzen wollen.

Unser Vorschlag ist, eine Assembly/Versammlung einzuberufen: ZWEIMAL IM JAHR MÖCHTEN WIR EINE GROßE VERSAMMLUNG ORGANISIEREN. Dort wollen wir uns darüber austauschen, was in euren Initiativen wichtig ist und wie das in der Zeitung erscheinen kann. Es kann um Grundsatzdebatten gehen, um die politische Ausrichtung der Zeitung, aber auch um einzelne Themen oder organisatorische Fragen wie Finanzen, Vertrieb, Übersetzungen u.a. Wir treffen uns, um neue Ideen zu bekommen, gemeinsam zu denken und die Zeitung wieder zu einem Projekt von vielen Menschen für viele Menschen zu machen. Durch die Versammlung können viele an der Zeitung mitwirken und mitdiskutieren, ohne an den Redaktionstreffen regelmäßig teilzunehmen – jede*r von euch ist aber auch dort sehr willkommen. DIE VERSAMMLUNG SOLL ALS EIN RAUM FUNKTIONIEREN, IN DEM WIR UNS KOLLEKTIV BERATEN UND GEMEINSAM ENTSCHEIDEN KÖNNEN.

Habt ihr Ideen, Kritik, Vorschläge? Kommt zur ersten Versammlung von Daily Resistance:

Termin: 31. März 2019, 13 – 18 Uhr Ort: Aquarium, Skalitzer Str. 6, Kreuzberg
Während der Versammlung wird es Kinderbetreuung und Essen geben.

Ablauf
1. Block 13 – 15:00 Uhr
Willkommen
Ziele der Assembly
Wofür wollen wir Daily Resistance nutzen?
Was ist aktuell in euren Initiativen?
15 – 16 Uhr Essenspause
2. Block 16 – 18 Uhr
Arbeitsweise und Struktur der Assembly
konkrete Fragen, Ausblick, Planung
Abschlussrunde: Statement der Assembly

Wenn ihr vorher Fragen stellen wollt oder Themen vorschlagen könnt, sprecht mit uns: E-Mail/Telefon oder Pad: http://pad.riseup.net/p/Daily-Resistance-Assembly
Es wäre schön, wenn ihr uns Bescheid sagt, ob ihr kommen könnt/wollt und ob ihr Kinderbetreuung braucht: dailyresistance@systemli.org

Hoffentlich bis bald!

Eure DR-Crew – Turgay, Younous, Sarah, Johann, Kathrin, Sönke, Anka

—————————————————————————————
Quelle est la situation actuelle de notre journal Daily Resistance? Comment pourrait et devrait-elle se poursuivre? La première Assemblée de Daily Resistance va avoir lieu le 31 mars. Venez, discutez et décidez avec nous!

Pourquoi : Daily Resistance a été créé comme un journal des refuge*es de publier les expériences, les positions et les discussions des membres du mouvement. Daily Resistance doit être un moyen de résistance et nous aider à nous organiser. Mais à l’heure actuelle, le groupe éditorial se compose uniquement d’un petit groupe d’activiste*s. NOUS MANQUONS D’ÉCHANGES AVEC D’AUTRES ACTIVISTES, NOUS MANQUONS D’IMPULSIONS, D’EXPÉRIENCES, D’IDÉES ET DE CRITIQUES. C’EST DE CA QUE DAILY RESISTANCE VIT, ET C’EST À ÇA QUE SERT CE JOURNAL.

Quoi : Nous pensons que le journal a besoin d’une autre structure, d’une structure différente, une autre façon de travailler et un “nous” plus grand. Il a besoin d’un espace pour des décisions collectives. Là, nous discuterons et clarifieons ensemble ce que le journal peut être et ce qu’il peut faire pour nous dans les domaines suivants, nos contextes politiques. Cela nécessite une occasion régulière d’échange et le contact entre les personnes qui veulent utiliser le journal comme un l’instrument.

Notre suggestion est de convoquer une assemblée : DEUX FOIS PAR AN, NOUS AIMERIONS ORGANISER UNE ASSEMBLÉE. Nous voulons y parler de ce qui est important dans vos initiatives et comment ca peut paraître dans les journaux. Il peut s’agir de débats fondamentaux, sur l’orientation politique du journal,
mais aussi sur des sujets individuels tels que le choix des articles ou des thèmes, des questions d’organisation sur les finances, les traductions ou la distribution. Nous nous rencontrons pour avoir des nouvelles idées, pour réfléchir ensemble et pour faire le journal un projet de beaucoup de gens pour beaucoup de gens. A travers l’assemblage beaucoup peuvent participer au journal, discuter, sans avoir à le faire régulièrement, assister aux réunions de rédaction – bien que chacun d’entre vous soit bienvenu lá-bas aussi. L’ASSEMBLÉE DOIT FONCTIONNER COMME UN ESPACE OÙ NOUS POUVONS
CONSULTER COLLECTIVEMENT ET PRENNER DES DÉCISIONS ENSEMBLE.

Vous avez des idées, des critiques, des suggestions ? Venez au premier Daily Assemblage de résistance :

Date : 31 mars 2019, 13 – 18 Lieu : Aquarium, Skalitzer Str. 6, Kreuzberg
Pendant la réunion, il y aura des services de garde d’enfants et de la nourriture.

Procédure
1er bloc 13 – 15:00 heures
Accueillant
Objectifs de l’assemblée
A quoi veut-on utiliser Daily Resistance ?
Que se passe-t-il dans vos initiatives en ce moment ?
15 – 16 h pause déjeuner
2ème bloc 16 – 18 heures
Méthode et structure d’assemblage
Questions concrètes, perspectives, planification
Dernier tour : Déclaration de l’assemblée

Si vous avez des questions ou si vous voulez suggérer un sujet à l’avance, communiquez avec
nous : email/téléphone ou pad : http://pad.riseup.net/p/Daily-Resistance-Assembly
Veuillez nous faire savoir si vous pouvez venir et si vous avez besoin d’une garde d´enfant ou des traductions:
dailyresistance@systemli.org

Nous espérons vous voir bientôt ! Turgay, Younous, Sarah, Johann, Kathrin, Sönke, Anka

Together for family reunification and fundamental rights!

Gemeinsam für Familiennachzug und Grundrechte!

سويا. لم الشمل والحقوق الأساسية!

Together for family reunification and fundamental rights!

همه باهم برایِ حقِ پیوستنِ اعضایِ خانواده و حقوقِ بنیادین!

Ensemble pour la réunification familiale et les droits fondamentaux!

ВМЕСТЕ ЗА ВОССОЕДИНЕНИЕ СЕМЕЙ И ОСНОВЫ ПРАВА

Demo in Berlin: 2 February 2019, 13:00, S-Bahnhof Friedrichstr.

Other actions: Termine المواعيد

Leafleats and more material

Deutsch + andere Sprachen: http://familienlebenfueralle.net/2019/01/demo-fuer-familiennachzug-in-berlin/

On 1 February 2018, the majority of the members of the German ‚Bundestag‘ decided to continue to suspend family reunification for the family members of subsidiary protected refugees until first of August 2018 and to introduce a new law governing family reunification. Most members of the SPD agreed, so that the SPD could form a government coalition together with the CDU / CSU. On June 15, 2018, this government coalition passed the Family Reunification Renewal Act. This law is since 01.08. 2018 in force: 1000 people per month should be selected from the visa application of family members of refugees with subsidiary protection status and should be allowed to enter as „humanitarian cases“. Thus, the right to family reunification became an arbitrary right of grace.
The experience of recent months shows that the application process is complicated and multi-level and the authorities involved process the applications so slowly that not even these 1,000 people can enter the country each month. By the end of November, only 1562 visas had been issued. This exposes the law as an instrument to prevent family reunification .
At the same time, laws and bureaucratic hurdles prevent many other families from living together, for example by requiring documents for family reunification that refugees from many countries can not obtain.
It makes us angry that the German government and the asylum- and residence laws ignore rights of refugees. We want an unrestricted right to education, the right to safety and a life without persecution. We want respect for all forms of family and the right to live together with our families, we demand a work permit, decent accommodation with privacy and freedom of movement.

With a demonstration in Berlin on 2 February and decentralized actions in other cities in Germany on 1. and 2. February, we want to show that we will continue to protest together until basic and human rights finally apply to all.

Erstunterzeichnende Organisationen und Initiativen
AG Bleiben Köln
agis (antirassistische gruppe internationale solidarität) Darmstadt
AK Asyl – Flüchtlingsrat Rheinland-Pfalz e.V.
Aktion Freiheit statt Angst
Ausländerarbeit der Ev. Galiläa-Samariter-Kirchengemeinde Berlin
BBZ – Beratungs- und Betreuungszentrum für junge Flüchtlinge und Migrant*innen / KommMit – für Migranten und Flüchtlinge e.V., Berlin
Be an Angel e.V.,Berlin
BumF e.V. Bundesfachverband unbegleitete minderjährige Flüchtlinge
Bündnis Griechenlandsolidarität Berlin
Bundesweite Projektgruppe Attac gegen Rechts
Care Revolution Regionalgruppe Hamburg
Community for all – Solidarische Gemeinschaften statt Abschiebegefängnis Darmstadt
Flüchtlingsrat Berlin
Flüchtlingsrat Hamburg e.V.
Flüchtlingsrat Mecklenburg-Vorpommern e.V.
Flüchtlingsrat Niedersachsen e.V.
Flüchtlingsrat Sachsen-Anhalt e.V.
Flüchtlingsrat Schleswig-Holstein e.V.
Flüchtlingsrat Thüringen e.V.
Frauenkreise Berlin
Hessischer Flüchtlingsrat
inEUmanity Leipzig
Initiative ‚Familienleben für Alle!
Initiative gegen das EU-Grenzregime Berlin
Initiative Zusammen Leben e.V. Berlin
Jugendliche ohne Grenzen (JOG)
Jumen e.V. – Juristische Menschenrechtsarbeit in Deutschland
kargah e.V- Verein für interkulturelle Kommunikation, Migrations- und Flüchtlingsarbeit Hannover
Kontakt- und Beratungsstelle für Flüchtlinge und Migrant_innen (KuB) e.V. Berlin
LabourNet Germany
move e. V. Verein zur Bildung und Kommunikation in der Sexarbeit Berlin
Multitude e.V. Berlin
NETZ für Selbstverwaltung und Kooperation Berlin-Brandenburg e.V.
PRO ASYL
Refugee Law Clinic Berlin e.V.
Refugee Law Clinic Jena e.V.
Refugee Network – Hilfe für Geflüchtete Göttingen e.V.
Sächsischer Flüchtlingsrat e.V.
Seebrücke
Solinet Hannover
UnserVeto – Bayern, Verband der ehrenamtlichen Flüchtlingshelfer in Bayern
Wedding-hilft Berlin
Willkommensinitiative ‚Willkommen im Westend Berlin‘
XENION Psychosoziale Hilfen für politisch Verfolgte e.V. Berlin

Weitere Unterzeichnende (wird fortlaufend ergänzt)
Allmende e.V. Berlin
borderline-europe Menschenrechte ohne Grenzen e. V.
Care Revolution Berlin
Common Voices Radio (Radio Corax Halle)
Corasol – Contre le racisme – Show Solidarity Berlin
Janusz Korczak – Humanitäre Flüchtlingshilfe e.V. Hannover
Kampagnengruppe ‚VisaWie? Gegen diskriminierende Visaverfahren‘

Daily Resistance online

The first pile of newspapers has arrived and can be read/picked up for distribution at Café Karanfil, Mahlower Str 7 in Neukölln. If we run out of stock, grab them at the We’ll come united demo in Hamburg or get hold of your copies by sending a mail to dailyresistance@systemli.org!

The online PDF version of Daily Resistance #5 can be found here.

 

Below, there is a list of articles that have been already published on this blog. Subsequently, we will publish the missing articles as blog posts and update this list:

Berliner Bündnis gegen Abschiebungen nach Afghanistan: “Keine Schlupflöcher für Menschenrechtsverletzungen”

Lagermobi: “What is an Anker”

Lagermobi: “Your work is to protect us!”

Other articles in the newspaper have been printed with kind permission of the authors and initiatives:

Moving Europe: Reportage d’une tournée dans la région frontalière franco-italienne, mai 2018

Women in Exile Bustour 2018

Declaration: József Krasznai

Statement/Declaration: Qusai Mohammed Abdel Atti

Roma Center Göttingen: “Zukunft für Alle – Schule ohne Abschiebung”

Justizwatch: “Prozessbericht aus Ellwangen” / “Rapport de processur d’Ellwangen”

Katharina Schoenes (Justizwatch): Offensive gegen Sozialproteste

‘Daily Resistance’ #5 is in print!

The new issue coming with articles in many languages by Women in Exile & Friends, Justizwatch, Lager Mobilisation Network Berlin, Moving Europe, Berliner Bündnis gegen Abschiebungen nach Afghanistan, Roma Center, and many more. Grab them at the We’ll come united demo in Hamburg or get hold of your copies by sending a mail to dailyresistance@systemli.org!

Soon, you will be able to download the issue as a PDF via dailyresistance.oplatz.net, as well. Subsequently, we will publish all the missing articles (this time in French, English, Arabic, Turkish, and German) on oplatz.net.

Ein kurzer Bericht von KARAWANE – A short report by KARAWANE

-ENGLISH BELOW-

Offenes Treffen der KARAWANE für die Rechte der Flüchtlinge und MigrantInnen

Am 23. und 24. Juni 2018 fand ein offenes und bundesweites Treffen der KARAWANE der Flüchtlinge und MigrantInnen in Berlin statt. Neben den Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer aus Berlin und Umgebung waren weitere aus Jena, Magdeburg und Wuppertal angereist. Die größte Gruppe bildeten die alleinstehenden oder alleinerziehenden afghanischen oder iranischen Frauen aus Magdeburg da.

Nach der Begrüßung und Vorstellung konnten die Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer des Treffens ihre Anliegen und Sorgen und vor allem ihre Erwartungen an dem Treffen miteinander teilen. Bereits hier zu Beginn wurde schnell deutlich, wie sehr die aktuellen öffentlich geführten politischen Diskussionen und die Verschärfungen der Gesetze die Flüchtlinge verunsichern. Im Zentrum all dieser Sorgen stehen Abschiebungen in sogenannten „sicheren Drittstatten“ sowie in die Herkunftsländer.

­Bundesdeutsche Asylpraxis versus Menschenrechte und Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention

Den Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmern war die aus ihrer Sicht willkürliche Unterscheidung und Kategorisierung der Flüchtlinge nach ihrer Herkunft, Geschlecht oder Familienstand unverständlich und rassistisch. Sie fragten sich, warum zwischen Flüchtlingen aus Afghanistan oder Syrien unterschieden werde, obwohl in beiden Ländern seit Jahren der Krieg wüte. Sie wunderten sich auch darüber, dass keiner über den afrikanischen Kontinent spricht, obwohl dieser ebenfalls von kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen gekennzeichnet ist und politische Verfolgung in vielen Ländern an der Tagesordnung ist. Ob denn die universellen Menschenrechte und die Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention nicht gleichermaßen für alle gelten, wollten einige wissen, denen durch die Diskussion mit anderen, vor allem in den für sie verständlichen Sprachen, die Unterschiede erst bewusst und klar wurden.

Isolation in Lagern und Einschränkung der Gesundheitsversorgung

Frauen erzählten von den schweren Lebensbedingungen in den Isolationslagern für Flüchtlinge in Sachsen-Anhalt. Vor allem die alleinerziehenden Frauen mit kranken Kindern erzählten von den Erniedrigungen durch die Behörden und der Vorenthaltung von medizinischen Leistungen, welche durch das Asylbewerberleistungsgesetz vorgegeben werden. Andere erzählten vom Leben in den Isolationslagern in Brandenburg und den nächtlich im dunklen vollzogenen Abschiebungen. Die Angst vor schlimmeren Abschiebelagern ausgelöst durch populistischen Diskussionen innerhalb der Regierungsparteien und den Parlamentariern setzen zahlreichen Flüchtlingen zu.

Tagtäglicher Rassismus und Diskriminierung

Einige berichteten über ihre Erfahrungen bei der Job- oder Wohnungssuche. Es ist anscheinend so viel Angst vor den Flüchtlingen in den letzten Jahren geschürt worden, dass viele immer wieder bei den Versuchen einen Job oder Wohnung zu finden scheitern. Entweder ist das Kopftuch oder die andere Hautfarbe das Problem. Hinzu kommt die Schwierigkeit, dass Schulabschlüsse oder akademische Grade aus anderen Ländern kaum anerkannt oder degradiert werden.

Zunahme der Angriffe auf Flüchtlinge und ihre Rechte

Im Angesicht der juristischen Entrechtung der Flüchtlinge seit Beginn 2016 nach der sogenannten Willkommenskultur im Oktober 2015, den im Anschluss geführten Hetzkampagnen zur Kriminalisierung einzelner Gruppen und der öffentlichen allgemeinen Hetze erwarten die meisten Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer eine Intensivierung der Abschiebungen und noch mehr Tote an den blutigen Mauern der Festung Europa. Ferner beobachten sie bereits eine Entsolidarisierung nicht nur zwischen den einzelnen Flüchtlingsgruppen sondern auch aufgrund der unterschiedlichen Kriminalisierungskampagnen und der rassistischen Hetze eine immer größer werdende Kluft zwischen den Flüchtlingen und den Menschen in dieser Gesellschaft.

Solidarität, Selbstbestimmung und Organisierung

In der Diskussion wurde allen klar, dass der Schlüssel für die Verteidigung ihrer Rechte die Selbstorganisierung sei. „Dort wo wir sind, in den Isolationslagern, in den Gemeinden und Städten müssen wir für uns definieren, was mit uns geschieht und uns für unsere Rechte einsetzen. Diese müssen wir öffentlich anprangern und die tagtäglich verbreiteten Lügen entlarven. Die Organisierung bedeutet, dass wir das erfahrene Unrecht benennen und uns mit denjenigen, die ebenfalls ausgeschlossen und betroffen sind, zusammenschließen. Dabei müssen wir die uns aufgesetzten Spaltungen überwinden. Erst wenn wir für uns klar haben, was unsere gemeinsamen Forderungen und Ziele sind, dann können wir auch mit anderen in der Gesellschaft Allianzen eingehen.“ In der Diskussion wurde auch ausgiebig über die Rollen der Nichtregierungsorganisationen oder karitativen Einrichtungen gesprochen. Diese können alle im Rahmen der Gesetze handeln und arbeiten entsprechend ihres Auftrages von den Eigentümern. Wenn aber die Gesetze die universalen Menschenrechte oder die Genfer Flüchtlingskonventionen verletzen, wenn die Regierungen, bei denen Flüchtlinge Schutz suchen, mit verantwortlich sind für das Elend, aus dem sie geflohen sind, wenn alle Parteien nach rechts rücken, bleibt auch keine andere Alternative, als sich selbst zu organisieren. Eine Aktivistin fasste zusammen: „Das sind die Lehren aus über 20 Jahre Kampf von THE VOICE Refugee Forum und der KARAWANE für die Rechte der Flüchtlinge und MigrantInnen. Die menschlichen Grundrechte auf Leben, Bewegungsfreiheit und Würde sind unantastbar, müssen aber tagtäglich erkämpft werden. Sie können in einzelnen Kampagnen von Einzelpersonen oder Gruppen für die Verteidigung unseres Lebens geführt werden, helfen aber gleichzeitig vielen anderen betroffenen und geben Kraft für den weiteren Kampf.“

Kommende Aktivitäten und Zusammenkünfte

Am 14. und 15. Juli 2018 findet wieder ein offenes Treffen der KARAWANE Flüchtlingsfrauenbewegung in Hamburg statt. Dort werden unter anderem über mögliche Kampagnen zur Verteidigung von in Berlin anwesenden Flüchtlingsfrauen gesprochen.

Am 8. September 2018 organisiert die KARAWANE für die Rechte der Flüchtlinge und MigrantInnen in Wuppertal ein Fest der Solidarität anlässlich des 20-jährigen Bestehens des KARAWANE-Netzwerks. Das Fest wird einerseits die Lehren der letzten 20 Jahre im Kampf gegen Ausbeutung, Abschiebung und Internierung in Isolationslager der neueren Generation von Flüchtlingen und Interessierten präsentieren und andrerseits eine Demonstration der Solidarität und des Zusammenhalts zwischen Unterdrückten und Ausgeschlossenen sein, unabhängig von Hautfarbe, Geschlecht, Religion oder Geburtsort.

Vom 4. Bis 7. Oktober schließlich wird anlässlich des 24. Geburtstages von THE VOICE Refugee Forum in Jena ein weiterer Akt des Refugee Black Box aufgeschlagen. Mit Installationen und andere kreative Ideen werden Flüchtlinge ihre Erfahrungen und Schmerzen dokumentieren. Das Refugee Black Box ist wie das Black Box eines Flugzeuges und dokumentiert die Erfahrungen der Flüchtlings Community.

Bei Interesse oder Fragen könnt ihr euch an die folgenden E-Mail-Adressen wenden:

  • und 15. Juli – Treffen der KARAWANE Flüchtlingsfrauenbewegung in Hamburg (???)
  • September 2018 – Fest der Solidarität in Wuppertal – 20 Jahre Kampf gegen Ausbeutung, Abschiebung und Internierung in Isolationslager
    Kontakt: Araz Ardehali, wuppkarawane at yahoo.de, Telefon 01788530701 (ab 19:00 Uhr)
  • bis 7. Oktober 2018 Refugee Black Box in Jena (http://thevoiceforum.org/node/4541)

___

ENGLISH

 

KARAWANE for the rights of refugees and migrants                                             Berlin, June 23 and 24, 2018

On 23th and 24th June 2018 an open and nationwide meeting of the KARAWANE of refugees and migrants took place in Berlin. In addition to the participants from Berlin and the surrounding area, people from Jena, Magdeburg and Wuppertal came, too. The largest group were single Afghan and Iranian women from Magdeburg.

After the welcome and the presentation, the participants of the meeting were able to share their concerns and their expectations of the meeting. Soon it became clear how much the current public political discussions and the tightening of the laws effected, agitated and worried the refugees. At the centre of all these concerns were the deportations to so-called “safe third countries” and to the countries of origin.

German asylum practice vs. human rights and the Geneva Refugee Convention

For the participants, the arbitrary differentiation and categorization of the refugees according to their origin, gender or marital status was incomprehensible and racist in their point of view. They wondered why a difference is made between refugees from Afghanistan or Syria, although the war has been raging in both countries for years. They were also surprised that nobody talks about the African continent, although it is also marked by armed conflicts and daily political persecution in many countries. Whether universal human rights and the Geneva Convention on Refugees do not apply equally to everyone was something that some people wanted to know when they discussed the differences with others, especially in the languages they understood.

 

Isolation in camps and restriction of health care

Women talked about the difficult living conditions in the isolation camps for refugees in Sachsen-Anhalt. Especially the single women with sick children told of the humiliations by the authorities and the withholding of medical services, which are prescribed by the Asylum Seeker Benefits Act. Others told about life in the isolation camps in Brandenburg and the deportations at night in the dark. The fear of worse deportation camps triggered by populist discussions within the ruling parties and parliamentarians is afflicting numerous refugees.

Daily racism and discrimination

Some reported on their experience in finding a job or a place to live. It seems that the German society has been built so much fear against refugees in recent years that many of them fail again and again in their attempts to find a job or an apartment. Either the headscarf or skin colour is the problem. In addition, there is the difficulty that school degrees or academic degrees from other countries are hardly recognised or degraded.

Increase in attacks on refugees and on their rights

In the face of the legal deprivation of the rights of refugees since the beginning of 2016 following the so-called welcome culture in October 2015, the subsequent smear campaigns to criminalise individual groups and the public general agitation, most participants expect an intensification of deportations and even more deaths at the bloody walls of Fortress Europe. Furthermore, they are already seeing an ever-widening gap between refugees and the people in this society, not only between the individual refugee groups but also because of the different criminalisation campaigns and the racist agitation.

 

Solidarity, self-determination and organisation

In the discussion it became clear to everybody that the key to defending their rights was self-organization. “Wherever we are, in the isolation camps, in the communities and cities, we must define for ourselves what happens to us and stand up for our rights. We must publicly denounce them and expose the lies spread on a daily basis. The organization means that we call the experienced injustice and join forces with those who are also excluded and affected. In doing so, we must overcome our divisions. Only when we know what our common demands and goals are can we enter into alliances with others in society”. The roles of non-governmental organisations or charitable organisations were also discussed extensively in the discussion. They can all act within the framework of the law and work according to their mandate from the owners. But if the laws violate universal human rights or the Geneva Refugee Conventions, if the governments with which refugees seek protection are partly responsible for the misery from which they have fled, if all parties move to the right, there is no alternative but to organise themselves. One activist summed up: “These are the lessons of more than 20 years of struggle between THE VOICE Refugee Forum and KARAWANE for the rights of refugees and migrants. The fundamental human rights to life, freedom of movement and dignity are inviolable, but they must be fought for every day. They can be led in individual campaigns by individuals or groups for the defense of our lives, but at the same time it would help many others concerned and give strength for the further fight.

Upcoming activities and meetings

On July 14 and 15, 2018, another open meeting of the KARAWANE refugee women’s movement will take place in Hamburg. Among other things, possible campaigns to defend refugee women present in Berlin will be discussed there.

On 8 September 2018, KARAWANE for the rights of refugees and migrants in Wuppertal is organising a festival of solidarity to mark the 20th anniversary of the KARAWANE network. On the one hand, the festival will present the teachings of the last 20 years in the fight against exploitation, deportation and internment in isolation camps of the newer generation of refugees and interested parties, and on the other hand, it will be a demonstration of solidarity and cohesion between the oppressed and excluded, regardless of skin colour, gender, religion or place of birth.

Finally, on the occasion of the 24th birthday of THE VOICE Refugee Forum in Jena, another act of the Refugee Black Box will be opened from October 4 to 7. With installations and other creative ideas, refugees will document their experiences and pains. The Refugee Black Box is like the black box of an airplane and documents the experiences of the refugee community.

If you are interested or have any questions, please contact the following e-mail addresses:

  • 14 and 15 July – Meeting of the KARAWANE refugee women’s movement in Hamburg
  • September 8, 2018 – Solidarity Festival in Wuppertal – 20 years of struggle against exploitation, deportation and internment in isolation camps
  • Contact: Araz Ardehali, wuppkarawane at yahoo.de, phone 01788530701 (from 19:00 h)
  • October 4 to 7, 2018 Refugee Black Box in Jena (http://thevoiceforum.org/node/4541

Keine Schlupflöcher für Menschenrechtsverletzungen! Pressemitteilung des Berliner Bündnis gegen Abschiebungen nach Afghanistan (12.07.2018)

Unbehelligt von der Öffentlichkeit schiebt die rot-rot-grüne Berliner Regierung am 3. Juli einen Mann nach Afghanistan ab und beteiligt sich so erstmals an einer Sammelabschiebung nach Afghanistan. Die Unmenschlichkeit und politische Verantwortungslosigkeit einer jeden Abschiebung nach Afghanistan lässt sich jedoch weder durch eine Haftstrafe, noch als eine Einzelentscheidung rechtfertigen oder schönreden.

Abschiebungen und die Entziehung des Menschenrechts auf ein Leben in Sicherheit dürfen nicht zum Werkzeug des Strafrechts oder gar als eine Doppelbestrafung eingesetzt werden. Eine solche Politik etabliert rechtliche Doppelstandards, vermischt aus gutem Grund getrennte Rechtsgebiete und untergräbt damit in einschneidender Weise rechtliche
Grundprinzipien der Demokratie.

Selbst  wenn – wie von Innensenator Geisel bestätigt – die Berliner Linie beibehalten wird, trägt diese Abschiebung nach Afghanistan doch dazu bei, diese aufzulösen und setzt die Vorstellung um, dass das Leben von afghanischen Menschen es nicht wert ist geschützt zu werden. Angesichts der weiterhin praktizierten Dublin-Abschiebungen in EU-Länder, wo Menschen eine Abschiebung nach Afghanistan droht, ist ohnehin fraglich, ob von einer Berliner Linie die Rede sein kann.

Dass der Berliner Innensenator sich in diesen Zeiten dazu hinreißen lässt, gemeinsame Sache mit eben jener CSU zu machen, deren aktuelle nationalistische und durch Rassismus legitimierte Forderungen vor 10 Jahren inhaltlich noch der NPD zugeordnet worden wären, ist erschreckend.

Der Stolz, mit dem die Bayerische CSU-Regierung die Zahl von 69 Afghanen präsentiert, die von der Sammelabschiebung betroffen waren, ist in Anbetracht der Lage des Landes schlicht abscheulich. Die zynische Aussage des Innenministers Horst Seehofer, der seinen 69. Geburtstag flapsig mit den 69 abgeschobene Menschen nach Afghanistan in Verbindung bringt, ist zutiefst zu verurteilen und zeigt einmal mehr seine Unmenschlichkeit. Jamal Nasser M., einer der 69 abgeschobenen Menschen, hat sich erhängt. Dies ist traurig, schrecklich und darf sich nicht wiederholen. Die rassistische Stimmungsmache, das Spielen mit Leben und Tod, das unmenschliche Handeln muss endlich ein Ende finde.

Afghanistan versinkt in ökonomischer Krise, Krieg, Terror und Gewalt. Behauptungen, der letzte Lagebericht des Auswärtigen Amtes belege das Gegenteil, beweisen nur erneut, wie sehr die Realität für politische Zwecke umgekehrt wird.

12.000 Berliner*innen haben am Samstag auf der Straße klar gemacht, dass sie die unmenschliche und mörderische Migrationspolitik, die von rechten Kräften in Deutschland und der EU gefordert und Schritt für Schritt durchgesetzt wird, nicht hinnehmen und dass jedes Menschenleben zählt. Die Berliner*innen möchten keine weiteren durch die Politik und die
Regierungsparteien zu verantwortenden Toten, weder durch Verhinderung von Seenotrettung im Mittelmeer, noch durch zwangsweise Abschiebung in den Krieg!

Gestern zeigten sich erneut viele Berliner*innen bei der Demonstration “Kein Schlussstrich” solidarisch mit den Familien, Betroffenen und Hinterbliebenen von rassistischen Morden. Rassismus muss benannt werden. Abschiebungen sind ein starker Ausdruck von Rassismus. Rassismus ist das Problem und dem muss entschlossen entgegengetreten werden.

Abschiebungen nach Afghanistan, wo eine Gefahr für Leib und Leben droht, dürfen nicht zum Mittel des Strafrechts ernannt werden!

Eine Berliner Linie darf keine Schlupflöcher für Menschenrechtsverletzungen haben.

Wir fordern die Berliner Regierung dazu auf, klar Stellung für eine menschliche Migrationspolitik zu beziehen und sofort einen allgemeinen Abschiebestopp nach Afghanistan zu erlassen!

Rückfragen schriftlich unter: bleibistan.berlin@posteo.de

Afghanistan Berliner Bundnis gegen Abschiebungen

Daily Resistance picnic on Sunday, July 15th, from 15:30

Dear supporter,

it is about two and a half years ago now that we have published the first edition of Daily Resistance. To celebrate that this newspaper still exists, we would like to invite all of you who were involved in Daily Resistance and made it possible as it is!

So to thank you all for your contributions, to socialize, exchange and simply to meet personally and not always only via e-mail, we invite you to a cosy PICNIC on July 15th from 15:30 at Tempelhofer Feld

On the east side of the small gardens, close to entrance Herrfurthstraße: https://goo.gl/maps/CK4zPaZE4rP2
If the weather should be bad, we will meet in Café Karanfil, Mahlower Straße 7.

We would be very happy to see you there and are looking forward to meet you soon!
In case the date is inconvenient for you but you want to join, please let us know!

Your Daily Resistance Editorial Group

Demo and Workshop: All united against an inhumane asylum politics!

*English below, Francais en bas

Der Koalititionsvertrag der neuen Regierung verschlimmert die Bedingungen in denen wir, Flüchtlinge, jetzt schon in Deutschland leben müssen und enthält uns unsere Grundrechte vor.

Wir sprechen von uns als Flüchtlinge, weil wir in Deutschland als Flüchtlinge behandelt werden. Mit dem Label „Flüchtlinge“ erfahren wir Diskriminierungen und Gewalt. Keine beschönigende Rede von „Geflüchteten“ kann verstecken, dass unser Zugang zu Schutz und Sicherheit von der Anerkennung als Flüchtlinge durch das Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (BAMF) abhängt. Wir brauchen alle den Schutz dieser Anerkennung.

Die Regierung will eine Obergrenze für den Zuzug von Flüchtlingen schaffen und pro Jahr höchstens 220.000 Menschen aufnehmen. Aber alle Menschen die nach Deutschland kommen, haben das Recht auf Schutz. Wir sind alle Flüchtlinge und keine Quote.

Die Regierung begrenzt den Familiennachzug für subsidiär Geschützte auf nur 1000 Familienangehörige pro Monat. Es werden nur „humanitäre Fälle“ ausgewählt, was bedeutet, dass Visaverfahren zu einem Wettbewerb gemacht werden. Etwa 60.000 Angehörige von Flüchtlingen warten in unsicheren oder gefährlichen Situationen auf die Möglichkeit, mit ihren Familienmitgliedern in Sicherheit zu leben. Dann dauert es 5 Jahre bis unsere letzten Familienangehörigen kommen dürfen. Familienleben darf nicht von Quoten abhängen und keine Obergrenze haben.

Außerdem sollen sogenannte Anker-Zentren geschaffen werden. Das sind abgeschlossene Lagerkomplexe, in denen wir bleiben müssen. Das bedeutet fast zwei Jahre Gefängnis für uns, ohne Zugang zu unabhängigen Beratungsstellen und Rechtsanwält*innen.

Während die Politiker*innen immer davon sprechen, dass keine Parallelgesellschaften entstehen sollen, verwirklichen sie diese mit den Anker-Zentren selbst. Dieser Plan lässt die Herzen der Nazis höher schlagen, denn ihre Forderungen werden erfüllt.

Laut Koalitionsvertrag soll der Arbeitsmarktzugang für Flüchtlinge zwar erleichtert werden. Aber gleichzeitig wird uns ein legaler Aufenthalt oder ein Familienleben verweigert.

„Wir lernen Deutsch, wir versuchen zu arbeiten und wir machen alles, um uns schnell zu integrieren. Aber wenn wir immer Angst um unsere Zukunft und Grundrechte haben müssen, erscheint uns das alles sinnlos.“

Wir Geflüchtete werden in Deutschland in unterschiedliche Kategorien gespalten, aber das lassen wir nicht zu! Uns allen werden fundamentale Rechte vorenthalten.

Deshalb laden wir euch am 20. Juni, dem internationalen Tag des Flüchtlings ein, mit uns auf die Straße zu gehen. Lasst uns gemeinsam gegen die Einschränkungen unserer Grundrechte kämpfen.

 

Am 16. Juni von 11 bis 18 Uhr laden wir alle Betroffenen zu einem Workshoptag in der Schule für Erwachsenenbildung (Gneisenaustraße 2a, U6/7 Mehringdamm ein.

In dem Workshop werden wir uns gemeinsam darüber informieren, was die Politik des Koalitionsvertrags für uns bedeutet.

Am 20. Juni, dem Internationalen Tag des Flüchtlings, wollen wir gemeinsam unseren Protest gegen die im Koalitionsvertrag geplanten rassistischen Gesetzesverschärfungen vor den Bundestag tragen: 17:00 Uhr, Platz der Republik.

 

Wer möchte, kann bei der Demonstration am 20.Juni einen Redebeitrag halten! Sagt uns bitte Bescheid.

 


English:

All united against an inhumane asylum politics!

The new governmental coalition agreement strips us, refugees, of our rights. It worsens our living conditions in Germany and takes away our fundamental rights:

– It restricts the number of new refugees to 220,000 a year;
– It establishes closed centres for asylum seekers;
– It restricts family reunification for people with subsidiary protection to only 1000 new people per month;

For this purpose, we invite everyone to join us on 16 June at 11 am at the « Schule für Erwachsenenbildung (Gneisenaustr. 2A ; U6 Mehringdamm) where we will be holding a workshop aimed at presenting further details about the new governmental measures and at discussing how we can jointly oppose them.


On 20 June, the World Refugee Day, we gather at 5 pm for a big demonstration in front of the Bundestag (Platz der Republik 1, U55 Bundestag).

Francais:

Toutes et tous contre une politique d’asile inhumaine !

Le nouveau contrat de coalition nous retire à nous, réfugié.e.s, nos droits. Il empire les conditions dans lesquelles nous, réfugié.e.s, vivons déjà en Allemagne et nous retire nos droits fondamentaux :
– Il limite le nombre de réfugié.e.s à 220 000 par an.
– Il stipule la création de camps fermés pour les demandeurs d’asile
– Il limite le regroupement familial pour les réfugié.e.s avec protection subsidiaire à 1000 personnes seulement par mois.
– …

A cet effet, nous vous invitons à nous rejoindre le 16 juin à … (heures) (lieu) pour un workshop où nous présenterons plus en détail les différentes mesures prises par le gouvernement et échangerons ensemble sur comment combattre notre situation, et le 20 juin, journée mondiale des réfugié.e.s, pour une grande manifestation devant le Bundestag (Platz der Republik 1, U55 Bundestag) à 17h.

N.B. : Frais de transports remboursés et il y aura à manger !

 

 

Reflection on the crisis of racism in Germany and Europe: Refugee-Migrants struggle is the solution

Statement by Osaren Igbinoba of The Voice – Refugee Forum (Community Network)

Critics on crisis of racism in Europe: Refugee-Migrants struggle is the solution.

Most protests of the non-refugees and supporters’ struggles are often polarized to dominate and to neglect the autonomous struggles of the refugees political communities. Even demonstrations and Conferences continue to ignore the refugee community agenda for autonomy and liberation. We are resolute that the community agenda for autonomy and liberation is the Challenge of our Time! Taking our struggles beyond political socialization of the oppressed community is a task ahead of us.

My reflection:

When I read the titles of the protest calls „Against deportation, exclusion & AfD“ I had to take a long and deep breath, because I could not imagine AfD to be presented as the main problem of deportation and discrimination of refugees and migrants in Germany. It was like another beginning of the worst ignorance in the protest movement. It is totally wrong to ignore any political party in their crusade for deportation and social exclusion.

In my opinion we should do more to see the struggles beyond political socialization without clear positions for public interest in our protest against the deportation regimes and with deep reflection on the deportation culture of the German / European citizens beyond the the political establishment of any parties in Europe.

Instead I see the tendency of dancing to play the good cops and the bad cops and on the other side reducing the struggle to humanitarian politics between integration in the refugee lagers and deportation prisons without positioning against the crimes of deportation and racism politically.

The revolution and the change we want is in ourselves and not from any political establishments or party.

My general critics on the antiracist movement: It is time to open a new page on the actual polarization of the struggle against racism which was amplified with discussion on critical whiteness by ignoring the violence culture of whiteness against other race.

There cannot be concrete struggle aginst racism without reference to Black African People and Black African continent, it is same that you cannot speak of the holocaust without mentioning the Jews even if they were not the only victims.

Racism is the “subjugation” of the Black Africans worldwide that was executed by the European elites with their racist education. The gravity of racism is beyond just selections and discrimination. Racism was the “iron gate” to genocide and extinction of the Black race that led to the deaths of millions and slavery which were continued with colonial occupation.

Ignoring the root cause of racism is like escaping the reality of the struggle we stand to fight against.

“Is the AfD an alternative anti-deutsche? For their anti-Muslim movement to compliment their pro imperialist crusade” We need an answer.

Therefore I would like to appeal to all activists to do more by analysing the crimes of deportations and racism beyond political literatures and poetries, and not to polarize further our struggles in dignity.

I do welcome any comment on my critics, your contribution and your analysis of the crimes of deportation and racism for the “refugee black box” manifestation.

This text is not intentionally written to undermine nor to discredit the solidarity with refugees but we have a choice to empower the autonomous struggles of the refugee / oppressed communities in anywhere are organized.

Power up in your struggles and fire up in solidarity.

Osaren Igbinoba


Source: http://thevoiceforum.org/node/4496

Investigation report of racist attack at Görlitzer Park, Berlin, on 18th March

From my own investigation and research so far, this is what I have discovered about the racist attack against black men at Wrangelstr., 10997 Berlin, FRIEDRICHSHAIN-KREUZBERG, on Monday 19th of March 2018, at about 8pm in the evening.

According to the first eye witness, by the name Lexos, a young Gambian man, narrated that the attacked came from the fight between one Senegalese guy and a Turkish guy, at Wrangelstr on Sunday, 18th of March 2018 in the evening.

According to the second eye witness called Pa Ebou Drammeh, also a Gambian born residing in Germany for almost 20 years, said that the young Senegalese man was standing in front of a building beside the street at Wrangelstr. The young Turkish guy was passing by, suddenly he intimidated the young Senegalese guy by asking him to leave that particular place without any reason.

And the Senegalese guy responded by saying: “Noooo, I am not going to leave, is this your father’s yard?“

Then the Turkies guy answered: “Okay, wait, let me come for you.“ And he came with the motivation of fighting this young Senegalese guy, while the Senegalese guy also picked up a stone and they scramble over each other angrily. The Senegalese guy hitted him with the stone. The police came and dispatched them immediately.

And the Senegalese guy escaped.

 

Lexos, the eye witness of the attacked on Monday, said: „I went to the kiosk, the Turkish shop where we use to buy our drinks and stuff, and I found the son of the shopkeeper called Musa, also a Turk who asked me: ‘Where are your black friends?’ I answered that they are standing outside. Then he said to me: ‘My mother said there was a fight yesterday,’ and I responded: ‘No, there was no fight.’ Repeatedly Musa said to me: ‘No, there was a fight.’“

According to Lexos, Musa went to call a group of 20 young Turkish men, all covered with masks, equipped with arms, knives, machetes, sticks and stones. Without describing anyone of them. A car drove towards the boys standing at Wrangelstr. The group randomly and unexpectedly jumped on them and started to hit them, running after them, beating them, and humiliating them without no one interfering from the neighbors.

According to Lexos and the second witness, Pa Ebou Drammeh, all the black boys escaped and ran away, because they were defeated by the gangs who came to the scene deliberately, and racially attacked them, and left so many severe injuries with blood.

“In fact, they hitted a 17-year old Gambian on head, and left him in a blood bath,“ said Lexos, the first witness.

Lexos continued: The police arrived at the scene 20 minutes after the attack. They met me, and I asked them to follow the gangs, but they just left right now. I directed them to their ghetto, they went there and came with three guys at the scene. They started talking with them, without involving any black person, just few minutes we saw them released by the police.“

According to Pa Ebou Drammeh: “The police didn’t even bother to ask anyone of us, neither to know something from both sides, but they only approached the Turks, asked them and left them to go without taking any statement or looking after us.“

Drammeh described: “They dont care about us, simply because we are blacks, being illegal without any proper document and no use to them from us. And I told the police, that what they did was not fair, why did they not want to listen and take a statement from us about the attack? But none of them responded to me. After a few minutes they drove away, without nothing coming out from it.“

Pa Ebou Drammeh, the long term Gambian resident in Berlin, emphasized a lot the racist and discriminative attacks carried always by the Turks against black people, Arabs against black people, much more than from whites against black people.

So what can we do now if all the races are against and attacking us without no one caring?

Furthermore, according to Lexus: “I believe it’s a cooked deal between the police and this Turkish hangs, together with the neighbors, because they don’t want us to live or stay at that territory. But we are going to stand on our feet to make sure that we defend ourselves and always stay stronger and united, in order to fight and end racism against our race.“

To conclude, my personal experimence at the scene as an interviewer, from where my brothers are hanging around, shows me the fear they are staying with.

Because according to them, they definitely do not live in a safe and stable environment. Because of their race, they are being surrounded by the cruel Turks, Arabs and Whites, who are both day and night targetting and hunting them, in collaboration with the police, as well.

And they are urging the society and the state to welcome and accept them of their colour and identity without any such discrimination, hatred, racism and racial profiling by the police.

 

Written by Moro Yapha A.K.A Yaya yaffa

Statement on police brutality in the reception center in Donauwörth on 14th of March

Deutsch unten —–

On Wednesday, 14th of March, police forces showed extreme brutality towards the inhabitants of the reception center and arrested at least 29 persons. This happened after a legitimate protest against an attempted deportation. The location of those who were arrested is still unclear. There was no violence against humans on the side of the refugees. The charges of “breach of peace” and “grievous bodily harm” are utterly unfounded and constructed and will need independent evidence.

Refugees and human rights organisations have been criticising the inhuman living conditions in the reception centre (EA) in Donauwörth for months. The minister of the interior, Herrmann, used the false accusations against refugees spread by police as a pretext to personally travel to Donauwörth on Friday to continue his electoral campaign with right wing demands such as more police and more deportations.

The refugees in the EA of Donauwörth have released a statement (see below), in which they reject the unfounded accusations against them, demand the release of the prisoners, the recognition of their asylum applications, working permits and protection from the police.

Antiracist innitiatives and human rights organisations are stating their solidarity with those involved and with their demands. In addition to this, these groups demand the dismissal of the social workers who have violated their mandate towards the refugees in the EA.

We, the refugees of Donauwörth, demand that the unfounded claims, that we used violence against the police and that we threw furniture out of the windows, are withdrawn immediately. The police came to deport our colleague and began knocking at the doors to all our rooms between 3 and 4 in the morning, as they could not find him in his own room. Around 100 people of different nationalities woke up and demanded with their voices to immediately stop the deportation. At around 2 pm more than 50 police vans and over 200 special police unit officers entered the camp armoured with pistols, tear gas, batons, knives, ropes, rifles, dogs and pepper spray. They locked us in our rooms and barred the main entrance. Everywhere in the house they blocked the passages while taking our personal details and searching our rooms. They were seeking at least 29 people with a list of names, which had been obtained that morning with the help of the social workers and security personell. They threw tear gas canisters into the camp and sprayed pepper spray into some rooms as well as into our eyes. Some people fainted, others jumped out of the windows to save themselves. Window panes had to be broken to allow fresh air to enter the rooms, as all the windows in the EA are locked.

The demands of our previous protests have been, and remain, the recognition of our asylum applications, the closing of the transit camps of transfer to private appartments and the right to participation. Furthermore we demand the release of the prisoners.

We want to declare our solidarity with the refugees of Donauwörth and demand independent investigations concerning the violent police operation against the protests in Donauwörth!

We demand that the social workers of the charity organisation Malteser leave the EA and that they take a stand regarding their role in relation to the police!

„This operation is part of a strategy of criminalization and intimidation on the side of the police towards refugees who are become active in the struggle for basic human rights.”, says Raja, a member of the group Antira Muc.

„The accusations they have constructed are those of breach of peace and of grievous bodily harm. We see that grievous bodily harm has been committed by the police, who locked people up and simultaneously victimised them with pepper spray within closed rooms without windows they could open.”

„The outbreak of police brutality only shows that the Bavarian politics will use any means to suppress uprisings against the Bavarian camp and deportation system and the policy of isolation. What remains questionable is also the role of the social workers, who supported the police in identifying individuals. For this reason we demand that the Malteser immediately withdraw the social workers concerned!”

Backround infomation on the events in the EA in Donauwörth

What triggered the massiv bout of police violence were presumably the previous protests. For several months refugees were on strikes (e.g. about the German classes and the 80-Cent-jobs in the reception center). Various other protests also raised awareness about the conditions in the EA.

Video statement concerning the events of the 14th of March 2018 in Donauwörth: https://solidarityandresistance.noblogs.org/files/2018/03/llllllllll_-_Mittel11.mov

Photo: Medical certificate

Anamnesis: The patient originates from Gambia and is residing in asylum seeker housing. For reasons unknown to him, police suddenly appeared there, while he was merely wanting to leave the building. During the police procedure, he says the police suddenly drew out pepper spray which they sprayed in his eyes, causing him to feel faint and hindering his breathing. The patient is visibly intimidated and is shaking all over.

Diagnosis: Hyperventilation after police procedure using pepper spray, Stinging eyes and throat after use of pepper spray, Dizziness eases gradually

Therapies: The patient was innitially intimidated and hyperventilating but without any pathology. The dizziness, as well as the stinging in throat and eyes ceased of its own accord. The patient was discharged to your care in improved condition.


Stellungnahme zur Polizeigewalt in der Erstaufnahmeeinrichtung in Donauwörth am 14. März 2018

Am Mittwoch, den 14. März, kam es zu massiver Polizeigewalt und mindestens 29 Inhaftierungen infolge legitimer Proteste gegen eine versuchte Abschiebung. Noch immer ist der Verbleib der Festgenommenen unbekannt. Von Seiten der Geflücheteten ging keine Gewalt gegen Personen aus. Die Vorwürfe wie Landfriedensbruch und gefährliche Körperverletzung sind konstruiert und bedürfen einer unabhängigen Aufklärung.

Seit Monaten kritisieren Geflüchtete und Menschenrechtsverbände die unmenschlichen Lebensbedingungen in der Erstaufnahmeeinrichtung (EA) Donauwörth. Innenminister Herrmann nutzte von der Polizei verbreitete falsche Anschuldigungen gegen die Geflüchteten, um am Freitag persönlich nach Donauwörth zu reisen und dort seinen Wahlkampf weiter mit rechten Forderungen nach mehr Polizei und Abschiebungen anzuheizen.

Die Geflüchteten aus der EA in Donauwörth verfassten eine Stellungnahme (vgl. unten), in welcher sie die haltlosen Beschuldigungen entkräften und zurückweisen, die Freilassung der Gefangenen fordern, sowie Anerkennung der Asylanträge, Arbeitserlaubnis und Schutz vor der Polizei.

Antirassistische Initiativen sowie Menschenrechtsorganisationen solidarisieren sich mit den Betroffenen und ihren Forderungen und fordern darüber hinaus die Kündigung der SozialarbeiterInnen, welche ihr Mandat gegenüber den BewohnerInnen der EA verletzten.

Wir, die Geflüchteten von Donauwörth fordern, dass die haltlosen Behauptungen, wir seien gewalttätig gegenüber der Polizei gewesen sowie wir hätten Möbel aus dem Fenster geworfen, sofort zurückgezogen werden. Die Polizei kam, um einen unserer Kollegen abzuholen und klopfte dafür zwischen 3 bis 4 Uhr morgens an all unsere Zimmertüren, da sie ihn in seinem nicht auffinden konnten. Rund 100 Menschen verschiedener Nationalitäten wachten auf und forderten mit ihrer Stimme die sofortige Beendigung der Abschiebung.Um ca. 14 Uhr kamen über 50 Polizeiwägen und über 200 Spezialeinheiten, bewaffnet mit Pistolen, Tränengas, Schlagstöcke, Messern, Seilen, Gewehren, Hunden und Pfefferspray. Sie sperrten uns in unsere Zimmer ein und verriegelten den Haupteingang. Überall im Haus blockierten sie die Wege, währenddessen sie unsere Personalien kontrollierten und die Zimmer duchsuchten. Sie fahndeten nach mind. 29 Personen mittels einer Namensliste, welche am morgen unter Hilfestellung der SozialarbeiterInnen und Securities erstellt wurde. Sie warfen Tränengasbomben in das Lager und sprühten zum Teil Pfefferspray in die Zimmer sowie in unsere Augen. Einige Menschen vielen in Ohnmacht, andere sprangen aus den Fenstern, um sich selbst zu retten. Hierbei mussten Glasscheiben zerbrochen werden, um Luft zum Atmen zu erhalten. Die Fenster in der EA sind alle verriegelt.

Die Forderungen unserer vergangenen Proteste waren und bleiben die Anerkennung unserer Asylanträge, die Schließung der Transitlager oder der Transfer in private Wohnungen, sowie das Recht auf gesellschaftliche Teilhabe. Desweiteren fordern wir die Freilassung der Festgenommenen.

Wir solidarisieren uns mit den Geflüchteten in Donauwörth und fordern eine unabhängige Aufklärung des gewalttätigen Polizeieinsatzes gegen den Protest in Donauwörth!

Wir fordern die am Tag des Polizeieinsatz anwesenden SozialarbeiterInnen des Wohlfahrtverbands Malteser auf, die EA zu verlassen sowie zu ihrer Rolle gegenüber der Polizei Stellung zu beziehen!

“Dieser Einsatz ist eine Kriminalisierungs- und Einschüchterungstaktik seitens der Polizei gegenüber aktiven geflüchteten Menschen, die für ihre grundlegenden Menschenrechte kämpfen.”, sagt Raja, Mitglied der Gruppe Antira Muc.

“Konstruiert werden die Vorwürfe des Landfriedensbruches sowie der gefährlichen Körperverletzung. Wir sehen die gefährliche Körperverletzung auf Seiten der Polizei, welche Menschen einsperrte und sie gleichzeitig Pfefferspray in Zimmern ohne aufschließbarer Fenster aussetzte.

Der Gewaltausbruch von Seiten der Polizei zeigt nur, dass der bayerischen Politik alle Mittel Recht sind, um Proteste gegen das bayerische Lagersystem und die Politik der Abschottung gewaltvoll zu unterdrücken. Fraglich bleibt für uns auch die Rolle der SozialarbeiterInnen, die die Polizei bei der Identifizierung Einzelner unterstützt haben. Daher fordern wir die Malteser auf, die betreffenden SozialarbeiterInnen sofort zu entlassen!”

Hintergrund der Vorkommnisse in der EA inDonauwörth

Auslöser für die massive Polizeigewalt sind wohl auch die vorangegangenen Proteste. Seit Monaten werden wiederholt die Deutschkurse sowie die 80-Cent-Jobs innerhalb der EA von den Geflüchteten bestreikt. Ebenso schafften diverse andere Proteste öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit für die Zustände in der EA.

Videostatement zu den Ereignissen am 14.03.2018 in Donauwörth: https://solidarityandresistance.noblogs.org/files/2018/03/llllllllll_-_Mittel11.mov


Source: https://solidarityandresistance.noblogs.org, Photo: https://solidarityandresistance.noblogs.org/post/2018/03/16/aus-sicht-der-bewohnerinnen/

Demonstration “Frauen gegen Rassismus und Ungerechtigkeit”, Zerstörung eines Omnibusses

Presseerklärung von Women in Exile and Friends und Cottbus Nazifrei vom 12.03.2018

+++ 250 Menschen demonstrierten für mehr Gerechtigkeit in Cottbus
+++ Bus der Demonstrierenden wurde zerstört
+++ Blumentopf-Angriff auf Demo bleibt von Polizei unerwähnt

Anlässlich des ‘Internationalen Frauentages’ demonstrierten am Samstag, den 10. März, rund 250 Menschen durch die Cottbuser Innenstadt. Das Netzwerk, welches zur Demonstration aufgerufen hatte, machte in Redebeiträgen und Sprechchören deutlich, dass Rassismus in Cottbus und überall ein Ende haben muss. Der bunte Protest wurde durch Übergriffe von Gegnern der Demonstration überschattet. In der Nacht von Sonntag auf Montag wurde der von der Organisation Women in Exile genutzte Ominbus auf dem Oberkirchplatz in Cottbus schwer beschädigt.

Die Angriffe während und nach der Demonstration von Frauen und Geflüchteten zeigen erneut, wie hemmungslos in Cottbus gegen Andersdenkende vorgegangen wird. Vor den Augen der Polizei und trotz erhöhter Polizei-Präsenz in Cottbus wurde die Demonstration von zahlreichen Vorfällen überschattet.

Für uns ist klar, dass die Zerstörung des Busses ein gezielter Angriff war. Genau die rassistischen und frauenfeindlichen Zustände in Cottbus, die von uns kritisiert wurden, haben sich hier wieder einmal bestätigt. Wir lassen uns davon aber nicht einschüchtern und fordern die Politiker*innen der Stadt auf, endlich Position zu beziehen und einzugreifen, so Elizabeth Ngari von Women in Exile and Friends. Sie fährt fort: Die antirassistische Arbeit im allgemeinen und insbesondere für Frauen ist und bleibt notwendig!

Die Demonstration führte von Sandow in die Cottbuser Innenstadt. Am Blechen Carree fand eine Zwischenkundgebung statt, bei der eine Demonstrantin noch einmal explizit über die Rassismuserfahrungen berichtete, die sie täglich in Cottbus machen muss:

Nicht einen Tag kann ich in Cottbus ungestört auf die Straße gehen. Wenn ich mich in der Straßenbahn in meiner Muttersprache unterhalte, fordern mich fremde Menschen dazu auf, Deutsch zu sprechen. Das erlebe nicht nur ich so. Vielen anderen Frauen in Cottbus ergeht es ähnlich.

Auf der Route zum Ort der Abschlusskundgebung wurde die Demonstration in der Berliner Straße von einem Mann mit Blumentöpfen attackiert. Niemand wurde getroffen. Der Vorfall wurde der Polizei gemeldet und der Angreifer von Beamten gesichtet. Dennoch schrieb die Polizei im Nachgang, dass es während der Veranstaltung keine Vorkommnise gab.

Nur wenige Stunden später wurde der Begegnungsbus, der dem Jugendförderverein Chance e.V. gehört und mit dem einige Demonstrierende nach Cottbus gekommen waren, beschädigt. Der Bus konnte wegen eines technischen Defekts zunächst nicht weiter fahren und wurde an der Oberkirche abgestellt. Laut Aussagen eines Anwohners wurde der Auspuff des Busses bereits am Abend nach der Demonstration mit Bauschaum verklebt. In der Nacht von Sonntag auf Montag wurden dann die Scheiben eingeschlagen – vermutlich durch mindestens zwei Personen.

Auch Christoph Berndt, Vereinsvorsitzender von Zukunft Heimat, zeigte sich provokativ bei der Abschlusskundgebung auf dem Oberkirchplatz. Nachdem die Protestierenden lautstark gefordert hatten, dass Berndt die Demonstration verlassen solle, wurde er von der Polizei des Ortes verwiesen. Er beobachtete diese von einem entfernteren Punkt aus weiter.

Es zeigt sich, dass der Hass, der durch Zukunft Heimat und andere in die Stadt getragen wird, auch zu Gewalt wird. Was haben Menschen gegen Frauen, die vor Gewalt hierher geflohen sind? Warum sollen gerade sie wieder zu Opfern werden – im Alltag oder am Rande von Demonstrationen? Wir werden diese Frauen weiter unterstützen, um sich zur Wehr zu setzen gegen Gewalt und Unterdrückung – hier und überall!, so Luise Meyer von Cottbus Nazfrei.

Der bislang geschätzte Schaden am Bus beläuft sich auf mehrere Tausend Euro. Um finanzielle Unterstützung wird gebeten.

Spenden können auf folgendes Konto überwiesen werden:

Opferperspektive e.V.
Bank für Sozialwirtschaft
IBAN: DE34100205000003813100
BIC: BFSWDE33BE
Betreff: Bus-Schaden Cottbus (bitte unbedingt angeben)

Kontakt:
Mail: info@women-in-exile.net und netzwerk@cottbus-nazifrei.info

Daily Resistance Monthly Editorial Meeting starts on March 12

On March 12, 2018, the current editorial team of >Daily Resistance< will start its new monthly meeting. It is the first in a series of social and working get-togethers that tries to bring together people who want to share their ideas about the newspaper, who want to contribute and who want to work on upcoming issues, workshops and interventions.

Become part of our team! We warmly invite everyone who feel eager to contribute as an editor, author, supporter, critique and much more. Let’s discuss and work on concrete tasks and steps (articles, distribution, networking, translations, funding, group structure…). We are curious to get to know you!

Come to Café Karanfil, Mahlower Str 7, Berlin (U8 Boddinstr)! The next meeting dates (every second Monday of the month at 20:00): March 12; April 9; May 14

Daily Resistance NewspaperDaily Resistance is a periodical newspaper on actual paper written by (refugee) activists aimed to reach people in refugee camps. Articles in different languages inform on the movements of resistance in Germany to empower them for their everyday resistance against the system. Refugee camps in Germany are located in remote areas. People are far away from their communities, political self-organizations and support structures. The newspaper wants to break this isolation, giving people hope and strength to fight back and giving them the option to connect with refugee and migrants’ self-organisations. We think this is necessary, because there is a massive racist backlash in German mainstream society and a harsh tightening of asylum laws. More than ever before, self-organised resistance is needed.

The editing group of the newspaper is a mixed group of citizens and non-citizens, mainly based in Berlin. The authors of the articles are refugees and activists from all over Germany, as well as from other European countries. We are acting with the perspective of alternative media. Therefore, we encourage the distributors and the readers of this newspaper to present their critique, proposals and contributions to the process. We aim to relay the information based on our experience of refugee resistance to the newly coming refugees and to anticapitalist and antifascist movement. Thus, we want to break the focus on English and German language, so we would like to motivate everybody to write in their own language like Farsi, Arabi, French, Pashtoo, Dari, Serbian, Urdu, etc. This is very important to us to make it possible for everybody to read the newspaper and everybody to write for it. This is a newspaper of people for people.

Our goals
The main goal is to connect different self organized struggles against racism, the camp and deportation system and the European border regime with each other. Since 2012 a very diverse refugee movement with many different groups with own focuses evolved. With the newspaper, we aim at giving these different parts of the movement a voice and inform refugees who are not yet politically active, as much as reaching people in isolation and inspire them.

We inform about
– Rights and demands
– Changes of laws
– Daily struggles of others
– Demonstrations and actions
– Experiences and advice
– Statements
– Mainstream media coverage
– Political active groups

Daily Resistance Refugee Protest 2016 Bavaria

Daily Resistance Monthly Editorial Meeting starts on March 12

On March 12, 2018, the current editorial team of >Daily Resistance< will start its new monthly meeting. It is the first in a series of social and working get-togethers that tries to bring together people who want to share their ideas about the newspaper, who want to contribute and who want to work on upcoming issues, workshops and interventions.

Become part of our team! We warmly invite everyone who feel eager to contribute as an editor, author, supporter, critique and much more. Let’s discuss and work on concrete tasks and steps (articles, distribution, networking, translations, funding, group structure…). We are curious to get to know you!

Come to Café Karanfil, Mahlower Str 7, Berlin (U8 Boddinstr)! The next meeting dates (every second Monday of the month at 20:00): March 12; April 9; May 14

Daily Resistance NewspaperDaily Resistance is a periodical newspaper on actual paper written by (refugee) activists aimed to reach people in refugee camps. Articles in different languages inform on the movements of resistance in Germany to empower them for their everyday resistance against the system. Refugee camps in Germany are located in remote areas. People are far away from their communities, political self-organizations and support structures. The newspaper wants to break this isolation, giving people hope and strength to fight back and giving them the option to connect with refugee and migrants’ self-organisations. We think this is necessary, because there is a massive racist backlash in German mainstream society and a harsh tightening of asylum laws. More than ever before, self-organised resistance is needed.

The editing group of the newspaper is a mixed group of citizens and non-citizens, mainly based in Berlin. The authors of the articles are refugees and activists from all over Germany, as well as from other European countries. We are acting with the perspective of alternative media. Therefore, we encourage the distributors and the readers of this newspaper to present their critique, proposals and contributions to the process. We aim to relay the information based on our experience of refugee resistance to the newly coming refugees and to anticapitalist and antifascist movement. Thus, we want to break the focus on English and German language, so we would like to motivate everybody to write in their own language like Farsi, Arabi, French, Pashtoo, Dari, Serbian, Urdu, etc. This is very important to us to make it possible for everybody to read the newspaper and everybody to write for it. This is a newspaper of people for people.

Our goals
The main goal is to connect different self organized struggles against racism, the camp and deportation system and the European border regime with each other. Since 2012 a very diverse refugee movement with many different groups with own focuses evolved. With the newspaper, we aim at giving these different parts of the movement a voice and inform refugees who are not yet politically active, as much as reaching people in isolation and inspire them.

We inform about
– Rights and demands
– Changes of laws
– Daily struggles of others
– Demonstrations and actions
– Experiences and advice
– Statements
– Mainstream media coverage
– Political active groups

Daily Resistance Refugee Protest 2016 Bavaria

You can’t evict a movement! – Les exilé.e.s occupy a building of university Paris 8

This year, Paris is seeing one of its coldest winters in decades. The masses of snow have caused traffic and public transport chaos and have left thousands of people sleeping rough —many of them migrants— in life-endangering conditions. At the same time, the Macron administration is planning a further neoliberalization of France’s universities and keeps tightening French asylum laws and criminalizing supporters. Recently, in Nantes, Grenoble, and Lyon, refugees, students, and people in solidarity have started occupying university buildings converging these struggles. At the end of January, students protesting planned changes to university access and migrants fighting for a right to stay, housing and an end to the Dublin regulations have also joined forces and occupied building A of university Paris 8/Saint Denis.

These are their demands:

“Communiqué des exilé-e-s de P8”

To the French people, to the students, to those sleeping in the street, to people in solidarity, to people tortured by the Dublin regulation.

We are migrants from all over the world, Dublinned asylum seekers, recognized refugees living rough.
We have been refused asylum, have just crossed the sea, are undocumented minors. We have been occupying Paris 8 University since 30 January 2018. Why have we had to do this?

In the last months, France has deported many people. Many have committed suicide. Three months ago, a friend, depressed because of his Dublin status, lay down on the railway tracks and was run over by a train. Ten days ago in Calais, the police beat and gassed refugees sleeping rough. A young man had half of his face shot off by the police. A friend was arrested when he went to his appointment at the prefecture, then placed in an administrative detention centre (CRA) before being deported back to Italy. The French police have flashing lights, sirens and tear gas and are beyond the law.
The French immigration system only wants our fingerprints, not us. OFPRA, CNDA and the prefecture dish out daily arbitrariness and randomness. At the end of these procedures, without any logic whatsoever some of us are denied asylum, others dublinned for indefinite lengths of time, placed under house arrest and deported.

Our demands are:

  • documents for everyone
  • decent, permanent housing
  • to be allowed to learn French and continue our studies
  • an end to the non-recognition of unaccompanied minors (DEMIE)
  • an immediate halt to deportations to all countries, European and abroad

We want migrants across France to join us in fighting against oppression and injustice and against police violence in the streets. To the French people, you who carried out the revolution we study in history books, take it up again! We appreciate your support, which, unlike your government, shows real solidarity.
The university administration is negotiating with carrot and stick. First they propose to house us somewhere on the campus and then try to intimidate us with thinly veiled threats of calling in the police. We are asking Paris 8 students and faculty to support us in our demands. We thank you and ask you to remain loyal until end of our struggle. We are joining the undocumented student movement on campus.

To our friends who died crossing the sea,
To our friends who have committed suicide,
To our friends who died because of borders,
To our friends who died in the desert,
To our friends raped in Libya,
We will not forget you.

THE MIGRANTS AT PARIS 8

 


Français
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/DVCT4hEXcAAU7WA.jpg

Farsi
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/DVOjwcRX4AATB_M.jpg

Arabic
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/DVOjiQJW4AIurxe.jpg

Amharic
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/DVOjFBIWAAAlJEh.jpg

English
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/DVOjXOlWsAAkGyL.jpg

More information:

https://www.facebook.com/Les-Exilées-Occupent-P8-2029107890678871
https://twitter.com/ExileesOccupP8

Petition: https://www.change.org/p/pr%C3%A9sidence-de-l-universit%C3%A9-paris-8-soutien-aux-exil%C3%A9-e-s-occupant-l-universit%C3%A9-paris-8

Photo: https://paris-luttes.info/communique-des-occupant-e-s-de-9558?lang=fr

Aftermath of the eviction of Gerhart-Hauptmann-Schule on 11 January, 2018

It has been a long and intense morning with hundreds demonstrating on the streets of Kreuzberg to protest against the eviction of the Gerhart-Hauptmann-Schule, against German racist and neocolonial asylum and migration policies, Fortress Europe, and deportations.
Many thanks to all those today in support and solidarity for the people of the school, thanks to the activists and initiatives, such as International Women Space, Bündnis Zwangsräumung verhindern, Initiative Oury Jallou, Initiative Schwarzer Menschen in Deutschland, Corasol, Stop Deportation Group, Schlafplatzorga, Nachbarschaftsinitiative Ohlauer Straße and KuB for their powerful speeches at the manifestations in front of the school, at Hermannplatz, and on Oranienplatz. What is more, it was very important to have a speech of a representative of the Roma community. They used to live in the school and they were evicted on June 24th, 2014 to be distributed to remote places at the city’s margins, far from their local environment. Their children lost their structures, they could not attend their schools anymore, which led to a far more complicated situation in terms of education and to maintain friendship ties. Almost all of the Roma people were driven into homelessness again, some of them are dead.

After the last long negotiations with the Berlin senate and the district authorities of Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg on January 10th, the remaining inhabitants of the school went out of the school building the evening before the set eviction date. After a first month in a camp Schöneweide, they will live in a container camp in Kreuzberg. For some, their asylum cases will undergo revision on the basis of §23 Residence Law – yet, as the so-called ‘Oranienplatz Agreement’ after the demolition of the Oplatz camp perfectly illustrated, there is no guarantee that this re-evaluation will lead to any granted legal status. It is important to support the people (e.g. accompany them to the authorities, etc.), to remain in touch with them and to stay organised and cautious about the senate’s and the district’s next steps. Supporters organised a crowdfunding campaign that that aims to cover most of the urgent needs, such as medicine, lawyer’s fees, and local transport, among others.

The political struggle, the local and international fights against repression, gentrification and every-day racism, against the backdrop of the capitalistic system continue. As was shown on the demo route of December 16th and January 11th, local fights in Kreuzberg against gentrification, daily evictions of individuals and projects, such as Friedel54, or against GoogleCampus in Ohlauer Straße need to be stronger addressed as linked to the fights of the lower classes, the poor, exploited and disenfranchised, the refugees, migrants and newcomers.

Articles summarizing the eviction and the follow-up events in Neues Deutschland & taz

A second article in taz tries to evaluate the eviction in light of the political fight that has lasted for many years. Taken into account, the journalist states, that the majority of German society aligned with the mainstream media shows an obvious tide to right and conservative attitudes, the very fact that the refugee movement has maintained through the committed fight of political activists, can be seen as a (small) success. However, their demands and political goals – abolishment of the lager system, an end to deportations, freedom of movement for everybody – have been ignored.

Before the eviction, there was a concise summary on Indymedia of the history and the background of the Gerhart-Hauptmann-Schule (in German)

One of the best long-reads in English on the history of the Ohlauer school can be read here: http://politicalcritique.org/world/eu/2016/refugees-berlin-ohlauer-school/

Photos: J.Garnet

 

You can evict a building, you can evict people, but you can’t evict a movement!

New issue of >Daily Resistance< is out!

The latest issue of Daily Resistance is out, coming with articles in different languages, namely Arabic, Farsi, English, Turkish, French, Wolof, and German. Have a look on the PDF (part 1 / part 2)
This paper is published and written by a diverse group of so-called refugees who choose not to accept their disfranchisement by the German state. Together with local supporters we look to inform and invite as many people as possible to break the isolation and to get in contact with us.
You can join and contribute to the newspaper as an author or join as translater, lecturer, editor, photographer, distributer, …
The newspaper is now ready for distribution! We are trying to distribute the newspaper european-wide. You are more than welcome to help distributing the newspaper in your city. Just get in contact with us and we organize it together.
This newspaper is an instrument of organization. Local initiatives play an important role in that practice. Every local initiative can form a Daily Resistance committee undertaking tasks such as distributing the newspaper, writing for the newspaper, produce news and visual material for it. But handing copies to the people is not the only goal. One should communicate with the people. Information on the problems of the refugee camps and ideas for possible solutions should be circulated. On can organisze events – film screenings, debates, reading activities – depending on their individual conditions.
We are acting with the perspective of alternative media. Therefore, we encourage the distributors and the readers of this newspaper to present their critique, proposals and contributions to the process. We aim to relay the information based on our experience of refugee resistance to the newly coming refugees and to anticapitalist and antifascist movement.
Taken from the editorial by Turgay Ulu

Kommt zur Protestmahnwache: Afghanistan ist kein sicheres Land

Wir nehmen unser Schicksal selbst in die Hand.
تحصن اعتراضی علیه دیپورت به افغانستان را فعالانه حمایت کنید۰
ما میخواهیم خودمان سرنوشت زندگی امان را بدست بگیریم، نه اینکه قدرتمندان برایمان تعیین کنند۰
محل و روز تحصن اعتراضی۰

21. und 22. September, 12.00-20.00 Uhr vor dem Auswärtigen Amt, Werderscher Markt 1

23. und 24. September, 12.00-20.00 Uhr vor dem Bundestag am Washingtonplatz

وضعیت امنیتی و زندگی در افغانستان روز بروز وخیم تر میشود،بخصوص در دو سال اخیر۰ شمار قربانیان جنگ و ترور هر سال بیشتر میشود۰ همزمان دولت آلمان بیشرمانه تحت عنوان «امنیت در افغانستان» ، دلیل گریز مردم از کشور افغانستان را توجیه میکند ۰ بدین جهت هر بار آمار قبول شدگان پناهجو کمتر شده و برعکس از سال ۲۰۱۵ به بعد به آمار اخراجیان افزوده شده۰
ما پناهجویان و حامیان ، اعتراض خود را به تصمیم گیری دولت آلمان اعلام میکنیم۰ بهمین جهت همزمان با روزهای بازار گرمی انتخابات ، ما نشست وتحصن اعتراضی خود را علیه دیپورت تدارک دیده ایم۰ به ما بپیوندید

Die Sicherheitslage in Afghanistan hat sich in den letzten 2 Jahren stark verschlechtert. Die Zahl der zivilen Opfer von Krieg, Terror und Verfolgung steigt jedes Jahr an. Dennoch verringert sich die Anerkennungsquote für Geflüchtete aus Afghanistan ohne erkennbaren Grund und die Bundesregierung hat seit 2015 vermehrt Flüchtlinge ins Kriegsland Afghanistan abgeschoben.

Vertreter*innen von unterschiedlichen Flüchtlingsinitiativen afghanischer Geflüchtete und Unterstützer*innen protestieren dagegen. Nach der Bundestagswahl wird wieder abgeschoben werden und dennoch ist das Schicksal der von der Abschiebung bedrohten bisher kein Thema. Das wollen wir ändern.

Kommt zur Mahnwache und zeigt, dass es nicht egal, dass Menschen nach Afghanistan in Krieg und Elend abgeschoben werden und leitet diese Mail gerne an Interessierte weiter.

Die Gruppe: Afghanistan ist kein sicheres Land!

Kontakt: afghanistanistnichtsicher@gmail.com

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