Legalisierung Jetzt! Protest-Demo zum Roten Rathaus

Samstag 24. April um 14 Uhr

Start an der Weltzeituhr am Alexanderplatz – Ende Innensenat (Klosterstr. 47)

Vor einem Jahr sind wir mit der Forderung “Legalisierung Jetzt! für die Rechte von undokumentierten Migrant:innen in Berlin in Zeiten von Covid 19” an die Öffentlichkeit getreten, deren ohnehin schon prekäre Situation sich durch die Pandemie drastisch verschlechtert hat.

Wir sind hier, wir sind viele und wir sind laut!

https://legalisierungjetzt.net

Kundgebung am 28.02: In Gedenken an die Opfer rassistischer Polizeigewalt – Die Polizei beendet keine Konflikte, sondern Leben

Stell dir vor du sitzt in deiner Wohnung und bekommst mit, dass es in der Wohnung nebenan Streit gibt. Das Ganze lässt dir keine Ruhe und so gehst du sogar vor die Tür, um nachzuschauen was da vor sich geht. Du stellst fest, dass es in der Wohnung nebenan einen Streit gibt, traust dir aber nicht zu, einzugreifen. Dennoch möchtest du auch nicht einfach so tun, als ob nichts ist. Also rufst du die Polizei an und meldest den Konflikt. Wenige Minuten später erscheinen die Beamt:Innen und du denkst dir, dass nun endlich jemand da ist, um den Konflikt zu beenden.

Doch viel zu oft deeskaliert sie keine brenzligen Situation, sondern befeuert diese. Sie schreit auf die Leute ein, bedroht sie, nutzt Pfefferspray, Schlagstöcke oder ähnliches, fixiert Menschen, drückt sie zu Boden und in manchen Fällen kommt auch die Schusswaffe zum Einsatz. Es besteht also jederzeit die reale Gefahr, dass bei jedem Polizeieinsatz Menschen verletzt oder gar umgebracht werden. Die Polizei beendet also keine Konflikte, sondern Leben!

Es sind keine Einzelfälle, sondern es hat System. Die Polizei und Justiz bemühen sich nicht um Aufarbeitung und Konsequenzen, stattdessen werden die Toten stillschweigend hingenommen und die Handlungen und das Morden als alternativlos dargestellt. Der Beamte musste ja schießen, da er mit dem Messer bedroht wurde, heißt es dann oft. Dass in vielen Fällen die Polizei ihre Tat und auch Mord als Notwehr darstellt ist keine Seltenheit. Oft werden Gefahren im Nachhinein konstruiert um die Beamt:innen und die Behörden zu entlasten. Doch selbst in Fällen, wo sie bedroht wurden, wird nie aufgearbeitet, welche Teil die Polizei selbst zu diesem Szenario zu verantworten hat.

Polizist:Innen lösen keine Konflikte! 

Polizist:Innen haben keine Ausbildung als Sozialarbeiter:Innen, Moderator:Innen oder Therapeuten:Innen und wissen somit auch nicht richtig mit diesen Konfliksituationen umzugehen. Sie begegnen den Beteiligten nicht auf Augenhöhe, sondern kommen als Exekutive des Staates schon ausgestattet mit einer Waffe und dem staatlichen Gewaltmonopol in der Situation an. Außerdem ist es ihnen, sollten sie einmal an einem Konflikt beteiligt sein, auch nicht möglich, sich wieder zurückziehen, da Rückzug für die Polizei aus ideologischer Sicht keine Option darstellt. Daraus resultieren dann Morde wie an Mohammed Idrissi aus Bremen, Maria B. aus Friedrichshain oder Hussam Fadl aus Moabit.

Die Version der Polizei ist nicht zwangsläufig die Wahrheit!

Leider tippen viele Journalist:Innen die Pressemitteilungen der Polizei einfach ab, weshalb der Polizei die Deutungshoheit direkt zukommt. So wird es für Angehörige schwer überhaupt Gehör zu finden und von Anfang an die Bildung einer Gegenöffentlichkeit erschwert. Die Opfer werden in der Version der Polizei meist zu Tätern verklärt, damit die Handlung der Polizei als legitime Notwehr dargestellt werden kann. In einigen Fällen, wie bei Oury Jalloh oder Hussam Fadl, sind die Lügen der Polizist:Innen ans Licht gekommen, allerdings kann davon ausgegangen werden, dass dies nur bei einem Bruchteil der Fälle gelingt.

Rassismus tötet!

Gerade für Menschen, welche von Rassismus betroffen sind, endet der Kontakt mit der Polizei wesentlich häufiger tödlich. Es wird immer wieder behauptet, die Polizei sei ein Spiegelbild der Gesellschaft, was bei einem rassistischen Normalzustand schon schlimm genug wäre. Die Polizei ist aber vielmehr ein Sammelbecken für Menschen mit rassistischen, autoritären und faschistischen Tendenzen, in dem sie ihre Träume Wirklichkeit werden lassen können. Die ans Licht gekommen Chatgruppen und Vernetzungen von Rechtsextremen in Sicherheitsorganen dürften dabei gewiss nur die Spitze des Eisberges gewesen sein. Wenn die Polizei gerufen wird, besteht also die konkrete Gefahr, dass bewaffnete Rassist:Innen zu einem Konflikt erscheinen. Das potenziert die bereits bestehende Wahrscheinlichkeit nochmals, dass es zu einer Eskalation kommt und wie im Fall von Hussam Fadl zum Tod von Beteiligen führt.

Wieso wird überhaupt die Polizei gerufen? Die Polizei steckt sehr viel Geld und Energie in die Öffentlichkeitsarbeit, in der von dieser ein Helferbild gezeichnet und gefestigt wird. Sie sind darum bemüht, das Bild der „Guten“ aufrechtzuerhalten. Auch die Berliner Polizei hat vor weniger Wochen wieder einen Imagefilm veröffentlich, in dem sie sich als vermeintlich divers darstellt. Dabei ist eben immer wieder die Hauptaussage, dass die Polizei hilft – auch in Konfliktsituationen. Und da leider der Großteil der Menschen dieses Bild unkritisch aufnimmt und weder die Polizei als Ganzes in Frage stellt, noch über die Sinnhaftigkeit die Polizei in solchen Situationen hinzuzurufen nachdenkt, erscheint diese immer als ungeeigneter „Konfliktlöser“.

Gleichzeitig gibt es für viele Menschen auch kaum Alternativen in Notsituationen, als die Polizei zu kontaktieren. Wer nicht in einer gefestigten und solidarischen Nachbarschaft lebt und auf andere Ressourcen zurückgreifen kann, sieht sich gezwungen die Beamt:Innen zur Hilfe zu rufen. Egal wie scheiße er:sie die findet. Es muss in Notsituationen andere Alternativen geben, als auf eine gewaltorientierte, gepanzerte und schwerbewaffnete Einheit zurückzugreifen. Es müssen Leute kommen, die auf Augenhöhe den Konfliktparteien begegnen, ihre Situation einschätzen können und die Situation deeskalieren. Und das nicht, indem die Menschen eingesperrt oder verprügelt, sondern beruhigt werden und im besten Fall Perspektiven aufgezeigt bekommen. In den USA gibt es schon Ansätze für Alternativen, welche durch den massiven Druck der Straße, implementiert wurden. „Defund the Police„ ist eine Forderung, die praktisch umgesetzt wird und zeigt, dass es auch anders gehen kann.

Die Polizei löst als keine Konflikte, sondern führt zur Eskalation! Lasst uns der Opfer rassistischer Polizeigewalt gedenken und zeigen, dass wir das Morden der Polizei nicht einfach hinnehmen. Vernetzen wir uns, um solidarische Alternativen zu erschaffen und zwingen wir gleichzeitig den Staat, die Polizei in ihrer Form abzuschaffen.

Wir haben als Kundgebungsort den Oranienplatz gewählt, da dort ein Mahnmal in Gedenken an die Opfer von Rassismus und Polizeigewalt von Unbekannten aufgestellt wurde.

Am 28.02.2021 um 14:00 Uhr auf dem Oranienplatz [M29 – Oranienplatz – U1/U3 Kottbusser Tor]

Lasst uns auch in Pandemie-Zeiten zusammen solidarisch und verantwortungsvoll demonstrieren! Achtet dafür bitte auf euch und andere, tragt Mund-Nasen-Schutz und haltet Abstand zueinander.

Mehr Infos dazu: Auf unserem Blog: https://deathincustody.noblogs.org

Unser Freund Pape ist tot / Our friend Pape is dead

English below

Unser Freund Pape wurde am 20. Dezember 2020 tot aus dem Landwehrkanal an der Schlesischen Brücke in Kreuzberg/Treptow geborgen. Zuletzt war er mit zwei Freunden, gemeinsam im Park dort in der Nähe. Als die Polizei kam verabschiedeten sie sich von Pape, der auf einer Parkbank sitzenblieb.
Er ist die vierte Person of Color, die unter ungeklärten Umständen hier ums Leben gekommen ist.

Wir wollen wissen, warum unser Freund Pape tot ist!

Hat jemand etwas gesehen? Bitte ruft an oder schreibt eine Mail!
Caro 0157 358 328 43, Email: pape73-20@riseup.net


Our friend Pape was recovered dead from the Landwehrkanal at the Schlesische Brücke in Kreuzberg/Treptow on December 20, 2020. Last he was with two friends, together in the park there nearby. When police arrived, they said goodbye to Pape, who remained sitting on a park bench.
He is the fourth person of color to die here under unexplained circumstances.

We want to know why our friend Pape is dead!

Did anyone see anything? Please call or write a mail!
Caro 0157 358 328 43; pape73-20@riseup.net

COVID-19: No one is safe until All are protected!

Open Letter from the Transbalkan Solidarity Group

Currently there are tens of thousands of refugees and other migrants in the Balkans. Some of them are accommodated in official collective centers, while a large number of people fall outside the system, surviving through the help of the local population and support provided to them by volunteers throughout the region. Yet with the spread of the COVID-19 virus, the already difficult situation in which they find themselves is becoming even more challenging and demands urgent action of those in charge – local and international actors – and solidarity from all of us.

The State of Emergency now in force in many countries of the region is a basis for the continuation and reinforcement of social inequalities and unfortunately is already serving as a rationale for the further stigmatization and repression of the most unprotected among us. But this exceptional situation must not become an excuse for continued politics of exclusion, restriction and expulsion, suffering and distress.

The fear for our own lives and the lives of those around us that we are faced with currently have for many been everyday realities for much longer. These uncertainties of the present lead us to radically question the system of geopolitical hierarchies, racial and class distinctions that divide and rank us, producing a population of undesired and rejected people across the world and in our countries alike. In these conditions we are left with nothing more than to work towards the removal of imposed inequalities based on social and citizenship status.

We therefore call for an end to all official and unofficial discriminatory and dehumanizing practices, for the end of violence at the borders, and for the legalization of everyone’s existence, for the closure of all forms of detention and collective centers that restrict freedom of movement and fail to secure humane and hygienic conditions. As individuals we call for an affirmation of the values of equality and freedom, appealing to acts of care and solidarity.

At the same time, as a form of emergency measures, we demand of the member governments of the European Union, the states of the region, and all relevant institutions and organizations to ensure that all who are forced to live on the street, in abandoned buildings without minimal sanitary conditions, or in inadequate collective centers are systematically provided accommodation in humane, safe, and sanitary conditions. We call for adequate and healthy living conditions to be secured for all, that public and other (unused, privately owned) buildings, including tourist facilities, should be put to use for this purpose. In a pandemic such as this, basic accommodations for all vulnerable people needs to be the priority of all responsible public policies and states.

In that sense, we remind that the European Union and especially the European Commission bear particular responsibility towards refugees and other migrants “stuck” in our countries. As they have openly shown with their recent actions on the Greek-Turkish border and other borders, they want to keep refugees and migrants out of their territory at all costs and using any means.

Within the framework of measures envisioned and implemented by local and state authorities as well as international organizations like IOM and their partners that have in some states of the region taken on a leading role in work with refugees and migrants, we ask for the immediate formation and activation of mobile teams to bring water and food, disinfectants, cleaning supplies, and toiletries to all those in need living outside the camps. Citizens should be included in this process without restrictions, on a voluntary basis and in line with the recommendations of health and epidemiological specialists.

We call on citizens, local and international volunteers in the region who wish to help in whatever way to respect the instructions of health experts and epidemiologists in order to reduce the possibility of putting themselves and those they help at risk. We call on everyone to cooperate and coordinate their work because only in this way can we conquer the pandemic of fear and reduce the serious risks that the most unprotected among us face.

In addition, we ask that people who already live in collective centers across the region are offered adequate protection and quality nutrition as well as hygienic conditions that support basic human dignity. Among them are many who fall into vulnerable categories such as those with chronic diseases or people with weakened immunity. It is necessary to improve care especially for these people. The collective centers in Bosnia-Herzegovina, which are managed by IOM, are probably in the worst state and below every measure of dignity. The majority of them are overcrowded, without adequate conditions for maintaining regular hygiene, regular access to warm water for bathing or clean water for drinking, and basic materials for personal hygiene and disinfection. Those responsible should provide these basic resources at all times, not only under conditions of pandemic.

We ask for the engagement of all who have the capacity and duty to act: UN agencies and their partners, especially IOM which has the greatest jurisdiction, Doctors without Borders, the International Red Cross and their local branches, Danish Refugee Council, Merhamet, Caritas, and all other organizations and groups that are in any case involved in the care of people on the move.

Finally, we demand that all people be equally afforded unrestricted access to the health care system, that people on the move – refugees and migrants – are treated without discrimination, and that concrete measures for their protection be made part of all measures for the protection of the population as a whole. We demand that people are provided with access to information in languages they understand about this virus, how it functions in local micro-contexts, as well as about how it spreads from person to person and how to protect oneself from contracting it. In the battle against this pandemic, leaving out one part of the population from protection measures will cancel out all other efforts to stop the spread of the virus.

Our governments are required by law to ensure access to emergency treatment for all people regardless of status, which COVID-19 will require for many. For this reason, we also call on the authorities to make available regular and free medical treatment for this population, especially in cases of people contracting the virus or when there is reason to suspect contagion. At the same time, this situation requires caution and openness while calling us to maintain organized support to refugees, migrants, and other groups at risk. This is required of us out of elementary humanity as well as the basic logics of public health because no one is safe until we are all protected!


COVID-19: Niko nije siguran dok svi nisu zaštićeni!

Otvoreno pismo Transbalkanske solidarnosti

Trenutno se na prostoru Balkana nalazi nekoliko desetina hiljada izbjeglica i drugih migranata. Dio je smješten u zvaničnim sabirnim centrima, ali je veliki broj ljudi izvan sistema, preživljavajući uz pomoć lokalnog stanovništva i podrške koju im pružaju dobrovoljci u cijeloj regiji. No, sa širenjem virusa COVID-19, ionako teška situacija u kojoj se nalaze, postaje još teža i zahtijeva hitnu akciju odgovornih – lokalnih i međunarodnih aktera – te solidarnost svih nas.

Izvanredno stanje, koje je danas na snazi i u mnogim zemljama regije, poluga je za održavanje i učvršćivanje društvenih nejednakosti, i nažalost već služi kao okidač daljnje stigmatizacije i represije prema najnezaštićenijima među nama. No, ova izvanredna situacija ne smije biti izlika za nastavak politika isključivanja, zatvaranja i protjerivanja, patnje i stradanja.

Strah za vlastiti život i živote drugih oko nas s kojim se suočavamo ovih dana, za mnoge je svakodnevica u kojoj dugo obitavaju. Neizvjesnost današnjice usmjerava nas na radikalno preispitivanje sustava koji nas automatizmom geopolitičkih, rasnih i klasnih podjela, dijeli i rangira, proizvodeći u svojoj obijesti suvišne i nepoželjne diljem svijeta, pa i u našim zemljama. U tim uvjetima nam ne preostaje drugo nego zahtijevati dokidanje nametnutih razlika baziranih na društvenom i državljanskom statusu.

Stoga pozivamo na ukidanje službenih i neslužbenih diskriminacijskih i dehumanizacijskih praksi, prestanak nasilja na granicama te na legalizaciju svih egzistencija, na zatvaranje svih oblika detencijskih i sabirnih centara koji ograničavaju slobodu kretanja i ne osiguravaju temeljne čovječne i higijenske uvjete. Kao pojedinci i pojedinke pozivamo na afirmaciju vrijednosti jednakosti i slobode, apelirajući na činove brižnosti i solidarnosti. 

Istodobno, kao oblik hitnih mjera, od vlada država članica Europske unije, država u regionu i svih nadležnih institucija i organizacija, zahtijevamo da sve koji su prisiljeni živjeti na ulici, u improviziranim objektima bez minimalnih sanitarnih uvjeta, ili u neadekvatnim kolektivnim objektima, organizirano omoguće smeštaj u humanim, sigurnim i sanitarnim uslovima. Zahtijevamo da se za sve osiguraju adekvatni uvjeti za život i zdravlje te da se u tu svrhu bez odlaganja prenamjene javni, turistički i drugi (prazni privatni) objekti. U jeku pandemije, primjereno zbrinjavanje svih ugroženih trebalo bi biti prioritet svake odgovorne javne politike i svih odgovornih država.

U tom smislu, podsjećamo da posebnu odgovornost prema izbjeglicama i drugim migrantima “zaglavljenim” u našim zemljama ima Europska unija i posebice Europska komisija koja ih ne birajući sredstva, ni cijenu – što otvoreno pokazaju svojim djelovanjem na grčko-turskoj i drugim granicama –  želi zadržati izvan svoje teritorije.

Tražimo da se u okviru mjera koje predviđaju i organiziraju lokalne i državne vlasti, kao i međunarodne organizacije poput IOM-a i njihovih partnera koji su u nekim državama u regiji preuzeli vodeću ulogu u radu s izbjeglicama i migrantima, po hitnom postupku organiziraju i aktiviraju mobilni timovi koji bi donosili vodu i hranu, sredstva za dezinfekciju i higijenu, svim ljudima kojima je to potrebno, a koji žive izvan kampova. U ovaj proces treba da se  uključe građani i građanke, bez ograničenja i na dobrovoljnoj osnovi, a u skladu sa preporukama zdravstvenih stručnjaka i epidemiologinja.

Građane i građanke te domaće i međunarodne volontere, koji su prisutni u regiji i koji žele na bilo koji način pomoći, pozivamo da poštuju uputstva zdravstvenih stručnjakinja i epidemiologa te tako smanje mogućnost izlaganja riziku sebe i ljudi kojima se pomaže. Pozivamo sve da surađuju i koordiniraju svoj rad, jer samo tako možemo suzbiti pandemiju straha i umanjiti ozbiljne rizike za najnezaštićenije među nama. 

Također, tražimo da se ljudima koji već žive u sabirnim centrima širom regije, omogući adekvatna zaštita i kvalitetna prehrana, kao i higijenski uslovi za dostojanstven boravak. Među njima su mnogi koji spadaju u ugrožene kategorije, kao što su hronični bolesnici ili osobe sa oslabljenim imunitetom, i potrebna im je pojačana briga. Sabirni centri u BiH, kojima upravlja IOM, su vjerovatno u najgorem stanju i ispod svakog nivoa dostojanstva. Većina ih je prenapučena, bez adekvatnih uslova za  redovno održavanje higijene, redovno snabdijevanje toplom i ispravnom vodom za piće, osnovnim sredstvima za higijenu i dezinfekciju. Ne samo u uslovima pandemije, odgovorni bi morali omogućiti pristup ovim osnovnim resursima.

Tražimo da se uključe svi koji imaju mogućnost i obaveze: UN-ove agencije i njihovi partneri, naročito IOM koji ima najviše ovlasti, te Lekari bez granica, međunarodni Crveni križ i njihova lokalna povjerenstva, Dansko vijeće za izbjeglice, Merhamet, Caritas i sve druge organizacije i grupe koje su inače uključene u zbrinjavanje ljudi u pokretu.

Konačno, zahtijevamo da se svim ljudima bez razlike omogući neometan pristup zdravstvenom sistemu, te da se i one koji su u pokretu – izbjeglice i migrante – tretira bez diskriminacije. Zahtijevamo da se u okviru mjera zaštite stanovništva predvide i konkretne mjere njihove zaštite. Zahtijevamo da im se omogući pristup informacijama, na jezicima koje razumiju, kako o tome šta je ovaj virus i kako djeluje u lokalnom mikrokontekstu, tako o načinima prenosa i načinima kako se zaštititi. U uslovima borbe protiv pandemije izostavljanje jednog dela populacije od mera zaštite anulira sve napore da se širenje zaustavi.

Naše su vlade i zakonski obavezne osigurati uvjete za takvo postupanje budući da se u slučaju liječenja i prevencije COVID-19 radi o hitnoj medicinskoj pomoći. Zato zahtevamo također, da vlasti omoguće redovan besplatan medicinski tretman za sve, a posebno u slučaju zaraze virusom ili sumnje na zarazu. Ova situacija istovremeno zahtijeva oprez i otvorenost te nas poziva na organiziranu podršku izbjeglicama, migrantima i drugim skupinama u riziku. Na to nas obvezuje elementarna čovječnost, pa i temeljna javnozdravstvena logika jer niko nije bezbedan dok svi nisu bezbedni!


https://transbalkanskasolidarnost.home.blog

The English, Serbocroation and Arabic version of this article have been published in Daily Resistance #8

Grenzenlose Solidarität mit Arash

*** Deutsch – English – فارسی – Français ***

Arash Dosthossein ist politischer Aktivist aus dem Iran, der aufgrund seiner politischen Tätigkeiten 2012 nach Deutschland geflüchtet ist. Er beteiligte sich 2012 am Protestmarsch von Würzburg nach Berlin, der als Beginn der kämpferischen Refugee-Bewegung gesehen wird. Seine politischen Tätigkeiten in Deutschland haben mehrfach zu seiner Kriminalisierung, insbesondere durch den bayrischen Staat geführt, sodass er seit drei Jahren keinen Reisepass bekommen konnte. Mit seiner aktuellen Aufenthaltserlaubnis als anerkannter Geflüchteter konnte er immerhin mit einer Fiktionsbescheinug im Rahmen der EU reisen. Seit August dieses Jahres ist er in Griechenland und kann nicht nach Deutschland zurückkehren, da ihm seine Dokumente in Griechenland gestohlen wurden. Seit mehreren Monaten gibt die deutsche Botschaft in Griechenland ihm keine Erlaubnis nach Deutschland zurückzukehren. Dieser Prozess wird aktuell weiter in die Länge gezogen.

Indem die Deutsche Botschaft ihm die Ausreise verweigert, ist nicht nur seine momentane Existenz in Griechenland zur Herausforderung geworden, sondern auch seine Existenzgrundlage in Deutschland am zerbrechen.

Aufgrund der monatelangen Bearbeitungszeit der Botschaft wurden ihm die Sozialleistungen in Deutschland gestrichen und seine Wohnung entzogen.

Wir wollen in diesem Moment Seite an Seite zusammen stehen und unseren Genossen unterstützen.

Wir freuen uns wenn Ihr etwas abgeben könnt. Die Spenden decken das aktuelle Minimum an Lebenshaltungskosten der kommenden sechs Monate und die ersten Anwaltskosten ab (Links ganz unten)


Arash Dosthossein is a political activist from Iran who fled to Germany in 2012 because of his political activities. In 2012 he took part in the protest march from Würzburg to Berlin, which is seen as the beginning of the uprising refugee movement. His political activities in Germany have led to his criminalization several times, in particular by the Bavarian state, so that he has not been able to get a passport for three years. With his current residence permit as a recognized refugee, he was able to travel within the EU with a specific document, a so-called fictional certificate (Fiktionsbescheinigung). He has been in Greece since August of this year and cannot return to Germany because his documents were stolen in Greece. The German Embassy in Greece has not given him permission to return to Germany for several months. It is possible that this process will continue to drag on.

When the German embassy refused to allow him to leave the country, not only has his current existence in Greece become a challenge, but his base of life in Germany is falling apart as well.

Due to the month-long processing time by the embassy, ​​his social benefits in Germany were canceled and his apartment confiscated.

We want to stand side by side with Arash at this moment and support our comrade. We are happy if you can give something. The donations cover the minimum cost of living and shall secure the next six months and the first legal fees (link see at the bottom).


آرش دوست حسین یک فعال سیاسی اهل ایران است که به دلیل فعالیت های سیاسی خود در سال 2012 به آلمان گریخت. در سال 2012 او در راهپیمایی اعتراضی پناهجویان از وورتسبورگ به برلین و سازماندهی این اعتراضات شرکت داشت ، راهپیماییهایی که به عنوان آغاز جنبش اعتراضی پناهجویان در آلمان تلقی می شوند . فعالیت های سیاسی وی در آلمان منجر به جرم انگاری های متعددی از وی, به ویژه توسط ایالت باواریا شده است ، به طوری که گذرنامه پناهندگی او از سه سال پیش تمدید نشده است . وی با مجوز اقامت فعلی خود به عنوان یک پناهنده قبول شده ، توانست با یک گواهی موقت در داخل اتحادیه اروپا سفر کند.

وی از آگوست سال ۲۰۲۰ در یونان بوده و نمی تواند به آلمان برگردد زیرا اسناد وی در یونان به سرقت رفته است. سفارت آلمان در یونان از چند ماه قبل به او اجازه بازگشت به آلمان را نداده است. این احتمال وجود دارد که این روند همچنان ادامه داشته باشد.

 از آنجا که سفارت آلمان از اجازه خروج وی از کشوریونان امتناع ورزیده است ، نه تنها وجود فعلی وی در یونان به چالشی تبدیل شده است بلکه بنیان معیشت وی در آلمان نیز تهدید به نابودی است. به دلیل طولانی شدن زمان رسیدگی سفارت به پرونده او ، مزایای اجتماعی وی در آلمان لغوشده و مکان زندگیش در آلمان را از دست داده است.

ما می خواهیم در این لحظه کنار هم بایستیم و از رفیق خود حمایت کنیم.

خوشحال می شویم اگر بتوانید درکمپین حمایت مالی از رفیقمان آرش مشارکت داشته باشید . این کمک ها جهت پوشش دادن تامین حداقل هزینه های زندگی در شش ماه آینده و هزینه های وکیل هستند.


Arash Dosthossein est un activiste politique iranien qui a fui en Allemagne en 2012 en raison de ses activités politiques. En 2012, il a participé à la marche de protestation de Würzburg à Berlin, qui est considérée comme le début du mouvement militant des réfugiés. Ses activités politiques en Allemagne ont conduit à sa criminalisation à plusieurs reprises, notamment par l’Etat bavarois, de sorte qu’il n’a pas pu obtenir de passeport depuis trois ans. Avec son permis de séjour actuel en tant que réfugié reconnu, il était au moins en mesure de voyager au sein de l’UE avec un certificat de fiction. Il est en Grèce depuis août de l’année 2020 et ne peut pas retourner en Allemagne parce que ses documents ont été volés en Grèce. L’ambassade d’Allemagne en Grèce ne lui a pas donné l’autorisation de rentrer en Allemagne depuis plusieurs mois. Il est possible que ce processus continue de s’éterniser.

Comme l’ambassade allemande refuse son depart du pays, non seulement son existence actuelle en Grèce est devenue un défi, mais ses moyens d’existence en Allemagne sont également menacés de s’effondrer.

En raison du délai de traitement de la part de l’ambassade pendant des mois, ses prestations sociales en Allemagne ont été annulées et son appartement confisqué.

Nous voulons être côte à côte en ce moment et soutenir notre camarade.

Nous sommes heureux si vous pouvez donner quelque chose. Les dons couvrent les frais de subsistance minimum pour les six prochains mois et les premiers frais juridiques (adresses de ligne en bas)

****************************************************

Name: Solidarität, IBAN: DE97 4306 0967 1156 7264 00, BIC: GENODEM1GLS; Verwendungszweck/ Reference: Arash

Spendenkampagne: https://www.betterplace.me/grenzenlose-solidaritaet-mit-arash

Petition: https://www.change.org/p/landrat-g%C3%B6bel-holen-sie-arash-nach-stadtmuenchen-zur%C3%BCck

Conference on the Sudanese refugees’ situation in Germany (31 January at 21:00 on Skype)

Update 3

On 31/1/2021 at 21:00 we have a continuation of a workshop about Sudanese refugees from Schaumberg/Niedersachsen online to discuss the refugee’s situation.

This is the 4th workshop now. We are not going to be silent, until the deportation is stopped, until the isolation of refugees is broken, and until the primary, secondary, and universal rights of refugees are back. We know the system is gaining much on making refugees under constant stress, underlining the isolation of refugees from all corners of life. The disappointment, aggression of refugees and conflicts is the system’s success, but we are going to win it, if we come and gather our voices and strength again this system. We call upon your solidarity!

Sudanese and Sudan issue is invisible one of the ways to make it visible is to do these workshop, or you can bring you ideas as well.

If you want to join us, here is the link: https://join.skype.com/asb9eYXmawpe. Contact via email: bw.humanrights@yahoo.com.

Nous revendiquons nos droits ! Nous exigeons des actes de naissance pour nos enfants !

Les droits de nos enfants sont niés. L’un des droits de chaque enfant est d’avoir un acte de naissance. Mais nos enfants ne l’ont pas. Ils sont nés à Brême, mais le Standesamt refuse de leur donner un acte de naissance. Et ils refusent d’inscrire le nom du père sur le acte de naissance, parce qu’ils disent que nous sommes mariés quelque part.

Sans acte de naissance, nous ne pouvons rien faire. Nos enfants ne bénéficient pas d’une assurance maladie. Quand nos bébés tombent malades, nous pleurons. Parce que nous ne pouvons pas les amener chez le médecin. Nos bébés ont 9, 10 mois, 1 an ou même plus, toujours sans assurance maladie ni papier. Nous – les parents – n’obtenons pas notre permis de séjour. Parce que la migration nous dit d’apporter l’acte de naissance et le passeport allemand de nos bébés. Mais le Standesamt ne nous donne pas les actes de naissance. Si nous allons dans des écoles allemandes, ils nous demandent notre permis de séjour – mais nous ne l’avons pas.

Sans acte de naissance, tous nos droits et ceux de nos enfants sont bafoués.

Et tout cela, parce que le Standesamt prétend que nous sommes mariés. Même si nous leur disons non. Même si nous apportons nos papiers de célibataire, ils ne nous croient pas. Et ils n’écrivent pas le nom du père sur le papier d’enregistrement, même si nous leur apportons la reconnaissance de paternité. Même ainsi, le père va au Standesamt et déclare que le bébé est son enfant. Ils ne nous croient pas. Ils posent beaucoup de questions sur notre vie. Ils nous intimident. Ils nous traitent avec un grand manque de respect. Veulent-ils nous forcer à dire que je suis marié, si nous ne le sommes pas? Comment pouvez-vous me dire en face que je mens ?

Y a-t-il une loi en Allemagne qui dit que vous ne pouvez pas avoir d’enfant si vous n’êtes pas marié?

N’y a-t-il pas beaucoup de gens à Brême qui ont des enfants sans être mariés? Alors pourquoi pensent-ils que nos cas sont différents? Le Standesamt prend nos papiers et dit qu’il doit faire une enquête. Ils nous font payer 665 EUR pour qu’ils aillent en Afrique enquêter sur notre soi-disant vie privée. Ils vont dans nos villages, dans nos familles et demandent à tout le monde si nous sommes mariés. Qu’est-ce que c’est? Beaucoup d’entre nous ont traversé beaucoup de difficultés dans leur vie et dans leur passé. Nous sommes ici maintenant et nous voulons regarder vers l’avenir. Mais le Standesamt fouille dans notre passé, dans notre vie privée. Ils veulent que nous pleurions. Mais nous n’accepterons plus cela. Nous demandons nos droits, nous demandons au Standesamt, de donner à nos bébés l`acte de naissance avec le nom du père à l’intérieur. Nous exigeons d’être traités sur un pied d’égalité!

Cette procédure inhumaine est raciste. C’est de la discrimination raciale. Parce que le Standesamt l’utilise spécialement contre les femmes noires. 90 % des femmes noires qui ont émigré en Allemagne en provenance de pays africains n’ont pas d’acte de naissance de leurs bébés. Même les femmes qui vivent depuis des années à Brême auront le même problème, si elles naissent. Mais aucune des autres femmes qui ont émigré à Brême ou qui sont allemandes n’a à subir ces questions et ce processus inhumains. Le Standesamt ne traite que les femmes noires de cette manière.

Black lives matter.

Nos enfants sont des Allemands, que cela vous plaise ou non. Nous allons donc sortir dans la rue et nous rassembler devant le Standesamt. Nous revendiquons nos droits et ceux de nos bébés. Et nous vous demandons à tous de vous joindre à notre protestation.

Source: https://togetherwearebremen.org/nous-revendiquons-nos-droits-nous-exigeons-des-actes-de-naissance-pour-nos-enfants/

The English and Italian version of this article have been published in Daily Resistance #8

Daily Resistance #8 is out!

10 pages of stories, statements and testimonies in Turkish, Greek, Urdu, Italian, Russian, English, Farsi, German, and French. The articles will be subsequently published here as single posts in the upcoming weeks.

The PDF version can be read and downloaded down below

You can order printed copies from January 16th by writing to: dailyresistance@systemli.org

Camp Moria is on fire! Abolish all camps!

by Women in Exile

For months, camp residents, activists and migrant organisations have been warning of a catastrophe in the camp in Moria. The warnings were ignored. The EU has preferred to sit back and try(!) to make the people into minor roles in its dirty theatre of deterrence. But they will never manage that! So last week the open-air prison went up in flames – without major injuries to people!An end with the camp system! Now the press is talking of “arsonists”. Have you ever wondered why people who have already risked their lives once are willing to risk their lives again?
Many are severely traumatised and suffer from depression because they had to go through hell for a better life. LGTB and women suffer additionally due to the lack of protection against sexual violence. Children are not allowed to live out their childhood. For several days they have been surviving completely homeless on the streets.


The arsonists? These are the EU’s desk criminals, that is Seehofer and co. For months, years, people have been living in the camp in Moria. A camp that is designed for 3,000 people, but almost 13,000 people are squeezed in. Accordingly, there are not enough medical supply stores, no hot water, electricity or internet. The people have to live under appallingly unhygienic conditions, in airy tents, no matter what the season. Endless queues to go to the toilet or shop.


They are not only isolated from the world, they feel at all levels that they are made second-class people. Since the pandemic, nothing has changed in Moria, no measures have been taken for the people, quite the contrary! In fact, it has been decided that almost 13,000 people are not allowed to leave this small, unhygienic place – an open-air prison!
How is the Greek government dealing with the current situation? Yes, they are building new tents (for another prison?!), but at the same time they are throwing tear gas into the crowd to prevent them from scattering too much. The press is being denied access to the city area so that the world doesn’t have to know any more.
There are people who would rather stay on the streets than go back to the newly built camp. They know that another prison will not change the situation.


And what is the EU’s response? They insist on terror. And they argue pro forma about which country should take in how many people. Instead of acting in accordance with human rights.
Germany currently holds the EU Council Presidency. The Federal Government, too, clearly does not want to act in a humane manner. Although most cities and municipalities in Germany want to admit several hundred people, the Federal Minister of the Interior Horst Seehofer has told the press that they only want to admit a fraction of the almost 13,000 people.

It is our wish that all people will come out of this Moria nightmare, be housed in dignified conditions and not be sent to another camp in Europe. We know that a life in isolation worsens health. For people already severely traumatised, living in a camp is disastrous.
Especially LGTB, women and children need special protection and must finally live in humane conditions in order to avoid being repeatedly affected by sexual violence.

The camp system must be abolished – Europe-wide! We demand humane accommodation! 30,000 people have been on the streets in Germany so far against the deadly European migration policy. Let us become many more and put the EU under pressure until they meet our demands!
We demand the right to stay for all!
No camps for women and children. Abolish all camps!

Source: https://www.women-in-exile.net/en/offene-grenzen-fuer-alle-schafft-alle-lager-ab/

The Urdu, German and Italien version of this press release have been published in Daily Resistance #8

Kundgebung am 25.11. in Eisenhüttenstadt / Rally on 25 Nov in Eisenhüttenstadt

English below

25/11: Internationaler Tag gegen Gewalt an Frauen! / International Day against violence against women!

25.11.20 @ 12:00 – 15:00 Uhr Kundgebung vor dem BAMF und dem Lager Eisenhüttenstadt, Poststraße 72, 15890 Eisenhüttenstadt (Brandenburg)

Wir, Women in Exile & Friends organisieren mittags eine Kundgebung vor dem BAMF und dem Lager Eisenhüttenstadt (Erstaufnahmezentrum).

Wir verurteilen, dass das Lager in Eisenhüttenstadt nicht nur ein gefährlicher Corona-Hot-Spot ist, sondern auch ein Hot-Spot für Gewalt gegen Frauen, insbesondere Lesben. Die Dunkelziffer ist sehr hoch. In diesem Sommer gab es zwei Vergewaltigung und eine versuchte Vergewaltigung in den Brandenburger Erstaufnahmen – auch in Eisenhüttenstadt. Dazu kommen sexuelle Belästigungen und Übergriffe, Körperverletzungen jeder Art, häusliche Gewalt, psychische Gewalt und Stalking. Wir können unsere Augen nicht vor dieser Gewalt verschließen, die durch das rassistische Asylsystem mit verursacht wird.

Letztes Jahr am 25.11., während des internationalen „Tages gegen Gewalt an Frauen“, trauerten wir um unsere ermordete Schwester Rita in Hohenleipisch und forderten Gerechtigkeit vor den Behörden in Herzberg und Potsdam. Dieses Jahr werden wir laut und deutlich vor dem Lager in Eisenhüttenstadt sein. Wir werden weiterhin Gerechtigkeit für Rita fordern und immer wieder zeigen, dass Lager keinen sicheren Ort für Frauen und Kinder sind.

Quelle: https://www.women-in-exile.net/der-25-11-internationale-tag-gegen-gewalt-an-frauen/


25.11.20 @ 12:00 – 15:00 Rally in front of the BAMF and Eisenhüttenstadt Lager, Poststraße 72, 15890 Eisenhüttenstadt (Brandenburg)

We, Women in Exile & Friends organize a Rally at midday in front of the BAMF and Eisenhüttenstadt lager (first-receiving center) condemn:

that Eisenhüttenstadt is not only a dangerous corona hot-spot but also a hot-spot for sexual assaults and harassment against vulnerable women particularly lesbians. The number of unreported cases is very high. This summer there were two rapes and one attempted rape in the Brandenburg “Reception Centers” – also in Eisenhüttenstadt. In addition, there is sexual harassment and assault, bodily injury of all kinds, domestic violence, psychological violence and stalking. We cannot close our eyes to this violence, which is also caused by the racist asylum system.

Last year on the 25.11., during the international “day against violence against women” we were mourning about our murdered sister Rita in Hohenleipisch and demanding justice in front of the authorities in Herzberg and Potsdam – this year we are going to be “loud and clear” in front of the lager in Eisenhüttenstadt, still demanding justice for Rita and showing again and again that lagers are not a safe place for women and children.

Source: https://www.women-in-exile.net/en/der-25-11-internationale-tag-gegen-gewalt-an-frauen/

Rechte und rassistische Strukturen in Staat und Gesellschaft bekämpfen!

Gegen jeden Rassismus & Antisemitismus

Demonstration

7.11. // 14:00 Uhr,
Berlin – Platz der Luftbrücke

Seit der Selbstenttarnung des NSU am 04.11.2011 wurde offenbar, was nicht für möglich gehalten werden sollte: Ein rechtsterroristisches Netzwerk, das jahrelang und deutschlandweit rassistische Morde verübt!Im September 2020 jährte sich der erste rassistische Mord des  rechten Terrornetzwerks “NSU” an Enver Şimşek zum zwanzigsten Mal. Zwischen diesem Mord und heute liegen acht weitere rassistische Morde und  mehrere Bombenanschläge des NSU, rassistische polizeiliche Ermittlungen im Umfeld der Hinterbliebenen und Betroffenen, eine schier nicht enden wollende Reihe an staatlichen Verstrickungen und Vertuschungen und das niederschmetternde Urteil des OLG München – aber keine Aufklärung. Die Täter*innen wurde zu einem „Trio“ reduziert und es wurde milde gesprochen im Urteil.

         
Die Gewissheit der Betroffenen, dass die Täter*innen Nazis waren, die ihre Familienmitglieder ermordeten, wurde ignoriert und aktiv gesilenced. Der NSU-Komplex offenbarte nicht nur, welch tödliche Auswirkungen die jahrelange Bagatellisierung von rechtem Terror hat, sondern zeigt die tiefsitzende Verstrickung des deutschen Staates, der Geheimdienste und der Polizei in ihrer Kontinuität: Rassismus ist strukturell in Staat, in der medialen Öffentlichkeit und in der Gesellschaft verankert; die gesellschaftliche (weiße) Mitte stimmt schweigend zu und trägt damit dazu bei, dass Menschen of Color auf offener Straße, in Polizeigewahrsam oder Knast ermordet werden können, so wie Oury Jalloh in Dessau und Hussam Fadl und Ferhat Mayouf in Berlin.  […]

Das NSU-Urteil vor zwei Jahren ist Kein Schlussstrich! Deutschland ist kein Land der Einzeltäter und der Einzeltaten!

Wir klagen Staat, Polizei und den Justizapparat an!Wir fordern Respekt für die Betroffenen und Konsequenzen für die Täter*innen. Kampf dem rassistischen Normalzustand!
‍Eine solidarische, antirassistische Selbstorganisierung und Selbstschutz ist notwendig!Zeigt eure Solidarität mit den Angehörigen der Opfer und den Betroffenen von rassistischer und rechter Gewalt auf der Straße, seid laut und widerständig!

Kein Vergeben, kein Vergessen
– No Justice, No Peace!

Der ganze Aufruftext und mehr Informationen: https://www.no-justice-no-peace.org/

Conference on the refugees’ situation in Germany (24/25 October in New Yorck/Bethanien)

We have a conference about refugees mainly from Schaumberg / Niedersachsen to discuss the refugees’ situation: what is the refugees’ situation in the camps right now considering coronavirus and how should the activists and others support? If there is any new development on refugee issues?

As we know, the systematic isolation of refugees, deportations and rejected applications put refugees under constant stress. They reinforce isolation from the EU by combining all functions of immigration and refugees’ control such as the Dublin III regulation. Refugees are permanently exposed to external and internal controls, authorities; institutions have constant access to their private life. This creates frustration and aggression for refugees, and even conflicts between refugees to fight each other as the order of the day. Refugees are presented to the population as a danger, as illegitimate supplicants – but asylum is a human right!

People who support refugees are criminalized. Refugees and activists are often played off against each other. But there is resistance. Not only in Berlin, but everywhere where they are exposed to repression and discrimination, refugees come together and fight for their rights. Together with local initiatives, they break the isolation and form networks of solidarity. This creates access to legal support. that many people in the asylum and residence are otherwise denied.

Above all, however, these activist networks stand for a very concrete political vision of living together in solidarity, which represents an alternative to the anti-migrant, nationalist, racist and patriarchal patterns of thought and action of right-wing movements and parties.

Unfortunately, many of these solidarity initiatives and self-organized movements are often poorly networked and have few resources. There is also a lack of concrete strategies and methods, both regarding the internal conflict dynamics in heterogeneous groups and regarding dealing with state repression, police violence, right-wing agitation, and deportations. Better networking, the exchange of experience and awareness are required here. This is important now. Therefore, coming together to discuss and share the experience is our strength.

The event will take place on 24 and 25/10/2020 from 12 AM to 3:PM in New Yorck / Bethanien (Mariannenplatz 2a, Berlin-Kreuzberg). Due to coronavirus we can have only have 10 people on board Others will participate online, using skype etc.

Please contact us through bw.humanrights@yahoo.com, if you want to participate.

Wo ist unser Denkmal? Kundgebung und Performance

English below

Wir, die Initiative #WoIstUnserDenkmal, eröffnen im Zuge einer Performance ein Mahnmal in Gedenken an die Opfer von Rassismus und Polizeigewalt am Samstag dem 26.9.2020 am Oranienplatz um 11:00 Uhr.

Auch wenn #Blacklivesmatter nicht mehr trendet: Rassistische Polizeigewalt ist noch immer Alltag. Menschen müssen jeden Tag Gewalt erleben – und einige überleben diese nicht. So sind 178 Menschen seit 1990 in deutschem Polizeigewahrsam ermordet worden. An all diese Menschen wollen wir erinnern und fordern Gerechtigkeit. Dafür fehlt uns der Ort, denn: Die Opfer von Rassismus werden nicht nur im öffentlichen Diskurs, sondern auch im öffentlichen Raum unsichtbar gemacht. Deswegen nehmen wir uns den Ort selbst und fragen: Wo ist unser Denkmal?

“Wir fordern Gerechtigkeit und Erinnerung als Werte die fundamentaler sind als die Rhetorik des Marktes. Wir werden mit unseren Symbolen auf der Straße bleiben um hinzuweisen auf die rassistischen Handlungen der Autoritäten gegen People of Color in Deutschland.”

Ein Aktivist von #WoIstUnserDenkmal

The list of the dead is long. We know far too little about many of them because the authorities do not investigate properly. No wonder, because Germany has a #racism problem, Germany has a #police problem!
We want a place to make the everyday experience of racist police violence visible. To remember and demand justice. For our grief and anger. For our resistance.
Berlin, where is our memorial?

Come to Oranienplatz on 26 September at 11 am!
Please remember to wear masks and keep your distance.


Kontakt: 01521 8966723 | woistunserdenkmal@gmail.com | Twitter: @WDenkmal | Instagram wo_ist_unser_denkmal | https://fb.me/e/d9wji9yJk

A voice from Moria

My name is Raed Alabd. I am from Syria. I came here to the Lesbos Island to Moria camp on 9 December 2019. I came alone. I was working in Syria as a agency advisor for health, safety and environment for petrol companies and I liked my job. After one month, when I came here to the Lesbos island, the Syrian’s committee chose me as the Syrian’s leader. Now, I am the Arab Committee Leader here in Moria camp, especially for the Syrian people, except Somali and Yemen communities. Also, I am the leader and coordinator for Moria White Helmets and I am a member for MCAT group [Moria Corona Awareness Team].

Together, we are working here since three months. We make this small teams regarding about the situation. Here in Moria camp, as everybody knows, it is bad situation. This camp was built for 3,000 or 4,000 persons. Now we got around 20,000 of refugees here in the camp. It is a huge camp, the biggest camp in the islands of Greece. It is a bad situation here. We are facing too many problems every day, we are dying everyday here in Moria camp.

We are missing all the facilities, all the services here, especially the people who are living outside the camp.

Outside the camp the people live in the jungle. The people inside get water, food and shower, but the people who live outside miss these things, especially the water. It is too much difficult for the people to find water for washing their bodies, their hands, their clothes, too much hard for them. To come from the up the hill to go inside the camps. They collect the empty bottles, fill their bottles with water to clean their hands, their bodies, their clothes, it is complicated really and it is very bad for everybody, but this is the truth, this is the real things. It’s a bad situation – hell.

Also, we are facing the dangerous virus around the world, the COVID-19 Corona virus and we are very sad for everybody who lose their persons, their families for this Corona virus and we are thanking god: till now we don’t have any cases for COVID-19 in Moria camp. Because of all these things we made in a team, we call it Moria White Helmets, and we are helping people, advising, learning them about COVID-19, what it means, and how they can protect themselves and others by simple ways. Also, we meet in MCAT group, Moria Corona Awareness Team, and we are working together for awareness of all these people. From the beginning we made posters by simple ways, out of carton and we wrote the information about the Corona virus and distributed them around the camp. Behind the fence and we are thanking them very much, is Stand By Me Lesvos and they are supporting us from the beginning until now, they are standing with us. We made a small factory and we brought sewing machines, making masks and we distributed them from Afghan women and we are thanking them very much. After that, and all people they knew that we are missing many services, when the NGO left us in a bad situation here, when the local people attacked the NGOs here.

We should find a solution how to protect us from everything by ourselves.

We are missing many things, especially the medication. We have a small clinic here, Kitrinos [Kitrinos health care clinic in Moria], and we have Kalloni [another clinic], and we have MSF [Médecins Sans Frontières / Doctors Without Borders]. The duration for their work, from morning at 9 till 5 o’clock. The people stand together under the sun one hour, two hour, three hours and after that they have some medication what they got from these clinics. During the night, it is very hard for everybody, because nobody opens. Many cases happen during the night, especially for the children and women. When you go to the clinic it is closed, when you call the ambulance, they say we should call the ambulance, and ambulance sometimes comes, but most times not coming. It’s very hard for people to take medication. So, medical issues and the treatment we are missing also. It is very hard for everybody here. There is a doctor, they open during the night around 10, 11 or 12. Many cases happen during the night and they cannot help us, because we are missing many things. One hour, two hours to cover ambulance to transfer the people to the hospital or to the clinic in Mytilini. Sometimes they say you can go on your own, go by taxi. At night, when you go out, you won’t find any taxi, unfortunately. And the people, dissapointed, return back to their tents. This is the situation actually, what I told you about everything.

About supporting us from outside. There is some people who support us, from Europe to Stand by me Lesvos direct to us and we are thanking them very much. We are thanking people who are supporting us. The first and the second call to the Europe’s people and they did not take any reply about what we need about what we ask them from the beginning till now. So what we need, we need to help people as much as we can, because we are in a bad situation. We are dying every day here in Lesbos, especially in Moria camp. This is my people’s voice. They said: We are waiting how to die, because we are dying every day, dying when we go to the food line to take our meals, standing one hour, two hours, three hours to take the meals and to take the water and to standing two hours, three hours at the baths in line to take a shower or something. This is very hard for us. We are missing many things.

So what we need: we need more help, we need our voice reach everybody around the world that we need helping. Especially we are Syrian people. We came for some reasons from the beginning till now.

We left our countries, we left our homes, we don’t have homes actually, because they are destroyed. And everybody around the world they know about that.

We lost our families, we lost our land, we lost everything. We don’t have any safe places. Because of that we came to Turkiye, and from Turkiye we came to find a safe place to end our life. This is the fact and this is the real. We need everybody to know that. We don’t have anything and we don’t need anything. We don’t need money and we don’t need small things. The things what we need is to end our life in a safe place. This is what we need, this is my people’s voice, as I told before.

We are dying, we are waiting how to die. Sorry to tell you that but this is the fact, this is the real. This is the message from Moria camp to everybody.

And the message is for all the activist people in the other camps I think the same, especially for the Syrian people. So we are humans, we are not animals and the people they should respect us. They should treat us as humans. Where are the human rights about all of these things. Really, we are in a bad situation. I cannot tell you, how sad we are, because of all these things. Nobody cares about us, nobody helps us. So, at the end, we are humans. Respect us! So please, spread our message around the world for what we need. Thank you again and appreciate for everybody who support us from the beginning till now, even by messages, even by calls. The money is nothing. So what we need, only one word, that we are humans. This is what we need. We need a safe place to end our lives. That’s it.

This is Raed Alabd from Moria camp, inside Moria camp, today, 24 June 2020. Thank you!


Update 9/9/2020: Last night, Moria camp has almost completely burned down with several thousand people deprived of any protection against the cold and the rain and with nowhere to go. So far, despite the political pressure by social movements and activists to evacuate Moria and bring the refugees to self-declared Solidarity Cities around Europe, the EU and its member states remain silent. Several demonstrations all over Germany have been announced for today evening, demanding an immediate relocation programme.

You can read this article also in the latest issue of Daily Resistance on page 5: https://oplatz.net/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Daily-Resistance-7.pdf

Urgent Call from Moria Camp for Help in Corona Times

Update 2/9/2020: This call was the second open letter to the EU and its member states to evict the Moria camp on the greek island of Lesvos in face of the pandemic threat. The inhabitants of the overcrowded camp have not received any answer so far, while everyone on the spot, including the support initiatives have by far reached their limits for months. In these circumstances, today, the first COVID-19 infection has been discovered in the camp.

  • To the European Union
  • To the Governments of European Countries
  • The European Public

Moria Camp, Lesvos April 16th 2020

We are addressing you from Moria Camp in Lesvos and ask for your help and support. Here in Lesvos almost 24.000 refugees currently live in highly inhuman conditions, with no services, only several hours of water per day and under deplorable hygienic conditions. We see, that now, after a long time, there is an ongoing discussion in the European public about us, about the circumstances we are living in. We would like to thank for all the solidarity, which we got in the last months and days from the European civil society, from all the people, who are not willing to abandon us in these times of the corona-crisis in their countries. We like to thank to all the politicians, communities, towns all over Europe, who declared, they like to receive refugees like us in their neighbourhoods. This give us hope and confidence, that the long and hard way we all have behind us, when we were forced to leave our home countries, was not in vain. We all came to Europe, because we want to live like human beings and because we could not stand the violence, the wars and the persecution we all faced. We were
coming, because our children deserve a better future, where they can live in safety, have access to health services, go to school and have the opportunity to make the most of their lives by using their abilities.

Now we are in a double crisis. We are hostages of circumstances, we are not
responsible for. At first the general living conditions in the Moria camp, which are really horrible and which are degrading us day by day. But now we face the problem of the pandemic danger, which we cannot stand alone. We began to organize our life in misery, we try to protect our dignity, but we cannot fight against a virus without minimal hygienic standards and possibilities to protect us. Any advise how to avoid the spread of Corona even sound illusionary to us:

How should we keep distance, if thousand have to wait for food every day, how to wash our hands, if no water is available? How can sick persons isolate if there is no place for that?


In the beginning of the crisis, we felt left abandoned and were totally unprepared. We took some measures to self-organize with the support from some, mainly local Greek NGOs to raise awareness and prepare for the worse. During the last weeks, we managed a lot of small steps, cleaned the camp, set up some hand washing stations, printed posters and leaflets and did other activities. While Corona spread in Greece and here in Lesvos, we expected the worst, because this virus in the camp would be like a death sentence for old, sick and other vulnerable individuals.

For the first time, we are able to breath in a bit of relief, since no new cases were reported on the island for more than two weeks. But this does not mean the danger vanishes. In contrary, Moria camp will stay vulnerable for many more months. But for us, the first phase of trying to keep the virus away by all means is over and now we are trying to prepare for the next period of time. In March here in Moria, refugees created several groups like the Moria Corona Awareness Team (MCAT) and Moria White Helmets. We worked very closely together with Greek and International NGOs as well as the local authorities. We also followed the demands and campaigns of the local Greek government for evacuation and call by ourselves to dissolve these camps in Lesvos, Chios, Samos and other islands as soon as possible. But we do see that this will not happen soon. Therefore, we suggest a two-folded strategy for the future. We urge Europe to evacuate the old, sick and vulnerable immediately because there is no protection for them here. This has to include unaccompanied or sick children with their families. In the meanwhile, many important steps can be taken to help the ones who will remain. The steps to address these issues are:

  • water (sewage/toilets, showers, and taps)
  • trash
  • isolation
  • food supply/food line
  • hygiene/disinfection
  • fire protection
  • security
  • awareness/education

This can and should be done with support of the European Union and EU governments, with the understanding that this is not a long-term solution. These camps violate the laws of international human rights and refugee rights. There should be a consensus among the European governments that these camps need to be dissolved as soon as possible, which realistically means after this Coronavirus pandemic. We, the refugees of Moria camp, under the guidance of MCAT and Moria White Helmets offer our support
and cooperation to any entity ready to assist in this endeavor on a temporary and provisionary level. This strategy also coincides with the desires of the Greek government who have long been requesting the EU’s assistance in taking in refugees, finding a long-term solution and relieving the pressure on the island and its people.

We know how much the Greek citizens on these islands have suffered during the last years and we also call on Europe to assist them in these difficult times. They also ask since a long for a sustainable solution instead of being left alone with this crisis. As we see it, the most plausible solution would be that the governments of the EU make cooperative contracts with the Greek government to provide aid, backing and technical support in order to fix what is fixable while the Coronavirus crisis is ongoing. At the
same time, it is also important to work towards evacuating as many people as possible. This being of the minors, the elderly and those with health conditions, and then working towards a long-term solution for evacuating the island and closing the camps once the crisis has passed. We welcome very much the first steps taken by the Greek Government now to get some of these vulnerable people out of the camps. By addressing the immediate structural needs in Moria camp on a short-term, temporary basis, time will be bought to find a more substantial solution for those currently residing
in Moria, paving the way for Moria and other hot spots to be permanently closed.

We need help to help ourselves. We are willing to do whatever we can do to protect all of us from the ongoing danger of the Coronavirus. We are in Europe and we need Europe to survive!


You can read this article also in the latest issue of Daily Resistance on page 4: https://oplatz.net/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/Daily-Resistance-7.pdf

Antiracist day of action on 5 September 2020

Germanwide call for decentralized protests

On September 5th we all go out into the streets together and show loud and clear what kind of society we want to live in: a society without racism! Exactly five years after the “March of Hope”. Because September 2015 was a ray of hope. A historical breakthrough against the border regime, not only on the Balkan route. A dynamic of coming and welcoming that we will not forget. And for which we continue to fight: despite and against the continuous backlash of racist laws and agitation.

Every day we experience it anew: racism hurts, racism kills. Whether it is the policy of sealing off Europe’s external borders, letting people die in the Mediterranean, racial profiling in the city centres, the forced placement of refugees in camps, deportations and detention, the search for accommodation and unequal treatment on the labour market, in schools and universities, the arbitrariness of authorities, in barsat the barroom and on the Internet. It is precisely this policy that lays the foundations for racist murder and terror. Racism structures and permeates our society and must be simultaneously fought and unlearned by all of us.

But everywhere, people resist and fight for an open and solidary society and against racism. Every day, on a small and large scale, practical and political. We fight for the right to freedom of movement, for equalrights for all. We struggle for people to be rescued from distress at sea and we fight with Black Lives Matter against racist controls and police violence. With the demand for housing and solidarity cities and safe havens for all. With the resistance against deportations, with church and citizen asylum. With protests against all forms of racist discrimination and exploitation. And as MigrAntifa against right-wing violence. We are many and we are loud, we fight in cities, in villages, on the streets and in private and we do not give up!

Migrant struggles have shaped our society for decades and have become part of the history and reality of our cities. Here and now we are already on the way into the society of the many and we cannot be stopped!

Our anti-racist resistance is both a concrete practice and a living vision. We struggle for cities of solidarity in an open Europe. Against exploitation and exclusion. For the right to stay, to come and to go. For equal rights. For all.

More info: https://www.welcome-united.org/de/aktionswoche/alliance-call-2020/

Ce qui se passe dans les camps en Grèce est une tragédie

de Ben / di Ben

Italiano vedi sotto

Il n’y a pas des mots pour décrire la souffrance des gens. Des femmes enceintes, des enfants petits, des malades se trouvent sans soutien dans des camps. Les conditions de  vie ne sont pas imaginable. L’hygiène est impossible – comment respecter s’il n’y a ni du savon, ni des douches? Déjà, les réfugiés qui arrivent dans les camps de misère en Grèce sont en risque de maladie a cause de leur trajet difficile. Si le virus de Corona arrive dans les camps, beaucoup d’eux vont mourir. Ce sont encore plus de morts à la responsabilité de l’union européenne. L’Union européenne doit ouvrir ses frontières. Maintenant! Il y aucun jour à perdre. Ouvrez les frontières! No borders, no nations!


Quello che sta succedendo nei campi in Grecia è una tragedia. Non ci sono parole per descrivere la sofferenza della gente. Le donne incinte, i bambini piccoli, i malati sono senza sostegno nei campi. Le condizioni di vita sono inimmaginabili. L’igiene è impossibile – come si può rispettarla se non c’è sapone, non ci sono docce? Già i rifugiati che arrivano nei campi di miseria in Grecia sono a rischio di malattia a causa del loro difficile viaggio. Se il virus Corona arriva nei campi, molti di loro moriranno. Ancora più persone moriranno per mano dell’Unione Europea. L’Unione europea deve aprire le sue frontiere. Ora, ora, ora, ora, ora! Non c’è giorno da perdere. Aprite le frontiere! Niente frontiere, niente nazioni!

REFUGEES IN CORONA DAYS

Editorial to Daily Resistance #7

This time, we publish our newspaper – which is the own voice of the refugee movement – as a special issue. It was seen during the Corona virus epidemic that again the lowest classes are the most at risk, as in any case.

Refugees were put at risk, were isolated and received racist, discriminatory treatment because of the epidemic. On the border of Turkey and Greece they were reduced to a puppet of capitalist policies. They could make their voices heard outside though thanks to their different kind of actions like in Moria, Halberstadt, Ellwangen. Especially the activities regularly held in Halberstadt refugee camp were effective.

The importance of publishing Daily Resistance and delivering it to refugees was revealed once again during Corona times. The characteristic of capitalism that destroys nature and humans was more visibly questioned. Solidarity networks formed by workers and oppressed people in Corona days came to the fore as an organizational model. The refugee movement takes its place in these solidarity networks with Daily Resistance newspaper.

Turgay Ulu, April 2020, Berlin


KORONA GÜNLERİNDE MÜLTECİLER

Mülteci hareketinin kendi sesi olan Daily Resistance gazetemizi bu sefer özel sayı olarak basıyoruz. Corona virüsü salgınında görüldü ki gene en alt sınıflar her durumda olduğu gibi en çok risk altında bulunanlardır.

Moria, Halberstadt, Ellwangen gibi eylemler sayesinde seslerini duyuran mülteci kampları dışında görünmeyen bir çok mülteci kampında mülteciler korona virüsü nedeniyle riske atıldılar, izole edildiler ve ırkçı, ayrımcı muamele gördüler. Türkiye ve Yunanistan sınırında kapitalist politikaların oyuncağı durumuna düşürüldüler.

Özellikle Halberstadt mülteci kampında daha öncesinden düzenli olarak yaptığımız etkinlikler etkili oldu. Mülteciler seslerini değişik eylem yöntemleriyle duyurdular.

Daily Resistance gazetesinin basılıp elden mültecilere ulaştırılmasının önemi korona virüsü salgını sırasında bir kez daha açığa çıktı. Kapitalizmin doğayı ve insanı yok eden niteliği korona günlerinde daha çok sorgulanır oldu. Korona günlerinde işçi ve ezilenlerin oluşturduğu Dayanışma Ağları bir örgütlenme modeli olarak öne çıktı. Mülteci hareketi de Daily Resistance gazetesi aracıyla bu dayanışma ağlarında yerini alıyor.

Turgay Ulu, Nisan 2020, Berlin

DR #7 in print!

The new issue (#7 !) is finally in print and will be delivered next week.

It consists of stories, statements and testimonies of people who face COVID-19 in isolated European lagers. Languages of the texts this time: Turkish, Arabic, Urdu, Italian, English, Farsi, German, and French. The articles will be subsequently published as single posts oplatz.net in upcoming weeks.

Get your copy at Café Karanfil (Weisestraße 3, 12049 Berlin) or write to us for bigger orders: dailyresistance@systemli.org

ORANIENPLATZ GUERILLA PICKNICK

Das Anti-Deportation Café fängt wieder an! Nach einer 3-monatigen Pause werden wir eine KüFa in Bilgisaray abhalten. Die Abschiebungen haben in dieser Zeit nicht aufgehört und werden erst in den kommenden Monaten wieder zunehmen. Der Kampf für ein abschiebefreies Berlin geht weiter!

In Bilgisaray wird es am 11. Juli von 16:00 bis 21:30 Uhr Essen und Getränke geben. Alle Spenden werden Leute unterstützen, die gegen ihre eigene Abschiebung kämpfen. Da viele Unterstützungsinfrastrukturen derzeit in finanziellen Schwierigkeiten stecken, müssen wir dringend Spenden sammeln!

Holt euer Essen ab in Bilgisaray und schwärmt Oranienplatz! – Bringt eure eigenen Teller und euer eigenes Besteck mit. Erzählt es euren Freund*innen.

In Zeiten des Corona-Virus wird es nicht möglich sein, in Bilgisaray zu sitzen – außer für Toilettenbesuche. Der Oranienplatz ist um die Ecke: der Platz, der nach der Besetzung des Oranienplatzes 2012-2014 ein Symbol für den Kampf gegen Grenzen, Abschiebungen und Rassismus ist.

WO: BILGISARAY (ORANIENSTRAßE 45 – U-MORITZPLATZ) WANN: SAMSTAG 11 JULI, 16:00-21:30 Uhr

Pazarkule: Bir ayın sonunda / After a month

English below

Sadece düzgün bir hayat yaşayabilecekleri bir yere ulaşmak için sınırları aşmak isteyen göçmenlere istenmediğinde kurtulunacak birer sayı, ya da bir tehdit muamelesi yapıldı. İktidarların insan hayatı üzerinden yaptıkları pazarlık masasından geri itilen insanlar hem varını yoğunu hem de yolculuklarını belirleyen umutlarını birer birer kaybettiler. Bir çırpıda Türkiye-Yunanistan sınırına itilen göçmenler, açlık, sefalet, polis zoru ile sıkıştırıldı ve geri itildiler. Şimdi aradan geçen bir aydan sonra yeni bir bilinmezliğe terk ediliyorlar. Türkiye ve Avrupa ise hala bu soruyu cevaplamakla yükümlü: #GöçmenlereNeOlacak?

Göçmenler için güvenli bir gelecek ve onurlu bir yaşam talep etmeyi sürdürüyoruz!

Sınır rejimi ve izolasyona rağmen toplumsal dayanışmayı savunuyoruz!

Migrants are treated as a threat or numbers to get rid of when unwanted, while they simply want to cross the borders to arrive to a place where they might live a decent life. Bounced on a negotiating table where powers dictate that they can be treated as subhumans, they seem to have lost everything they had as well as the hopes that guide their route so far.
Once drawn to the Turkey-Greece border, they were trapped by the police force, with hunger and miserable conditions, and pushed back several times.

After a month, they are now thrown into an unknown. Turkey and Fortress Europe are still responsible to answer: #WhatWillHappentoMigrants?

We demand a safe future for migrants and a life in dignity! Against the border regime and punitive isolation, we defend social solidarity!

Daily Resistance #6 is out!

The new issue of Daily Resistance is out (#6) – coming along with articles from Women in Exile & Friends, International Women Space, The Voice Refugee Forum, City Plaza Athens and many more.

Grab your copy or a pack of newspapers to spread from your local distributor in Neukölln, Café Karanfil (Mahlower Str 7, U Boddinstr) – or write a mail to dailyresistance@systemli.org. Email us, if you want to distribute Daily Resistance in your city, in your initiatives, spaces or other contexts.

The PDF version can be read and downloaded here:

You can also read several articles of the issue online (with more texts to come) on oplatz.net, e.g. an interview in English with Adam Bahar on the revolutionary situation in Sudan (you can find the text in Turkish in the new issue): https://oplatz.net/sudan-revolution-interview/ , or the farewell statement of City Plaza in English (the Greek original has been printed in the newspaper): https://oplatz.net/39-months-city-plaza/

Looking forward to your feedback, comments, suggestions, and articles for the next issues! Come to our regular meetings, every second Thursday, and become part of the editorial team of Daily Resistance!


Daily Resistance is a periodical newspaper on actual paper written by activists aiming to reach people in lagers. We want to inform them on the state of resistance in Germany and to empower them for their everyday resistance against the system. Together with local supporters, we look to inform and invite as many people as possible to break the isolation.

Let’s Mobilize to Jena: The VOICE 25th Anniversary of Refugee Struggle in Germany

We invite you to join us in celebrating our 25th anniversary!

Call to participate in the preparation of the 25th anniversary and call for participation in the celebration on the 6th and 7th of December 2019 in Jena

You are part of this history – a quarter of a century since the break-up of isolation
25. The VOICE Refugee Forum Silver Jubilee Anniversary, 1994 – 2019
Founded in Mühlhausen and Established in Jena / Thüringen

The VOICE Refugee Forum for a quarter of a century is still at the forefront of dignity and self-determination, carrying a heavy burden of a quarter of a century – because many have been relieved of their journey – many have been able to find their place, a heavy burden must be placed on the ground so as not to lose themselves as a source for the next RefugeeBlackBox.

Breaking the Culture of Deportation – Deportation is the last ring of the slavery chain | RefugeeBlackBox – Solidarity (initiated in 2017)

You are part of this history as you are part of the future, do not forget yourself and neither the one who needs support in his struggle.

How to contribute: Contribute to the VOICE’s jubilee, choose and send a photo on The VOICE for the public exhibition, contribute to the RefugeeBlackBox. Refugee and migrants’ activists and asylum seeker activists are invited and everyone is welcome to give a few words about their experiences and their testimonies in the box. We have all it takes for peoples’ new world order of solidarity with the refugee! Every refugee is the story of RefugeeBlackBox-installation, it is also a certain power of knowledge and the wisdom to find your fight; to empower your presence and your issues in solidarity with the refugee struggles and movements.

Stop deportation! Defend the RefugeeBlackBox Solidarity, your silence is killing!
Each Deportation stop pulls down the mask, that covers the human face!
The fight against deportation and isolation has always been in the center of the VOICE‘s political activism. Fighting deportation means fighting against nationalism, white supremacy, and colonial racist injustice!

Next step: Arrival on Thursday, 5 December 2019

Starts on Friday, December 6, 2019 at 10:00 am: Video installation “RBB” on the Holzmarkt Jena:

– The VOICE Symposium on refugee grassroots community “Assembly” in Germany
– FightBack! Disrupt, disobey and organise against the regulated Dublin-deportations of refugees from Germany!

Saturday, 7 December 2019: Presentation | RefugeeBlackBox Parade | Music | Gyration and Performance

There will be a RefugeeBlackBox parade against the deportation crimes and against the colonial racism of Europe on 7th Saturday, December 2019. Calling for decentralized RefugeeBlackBox installation or info event before in the run-up of the December events.

facebook.com/RefugeeBlackBox

The VOICE Refugee Forum Germany
Jena: Tel.: + 49 (0) 176 24568988 (Whatsapp), E- mail: thevoiceforum@gmx.de
Berlin: Handy :+49 (0)170/8788124 (Whatsapp), E- mail: the_voice_berlin@emdash.org
Thevoiceforum.org


Mobilisons-nous ensemble à Iéna – Le 25e anniversaire de la lutte des réfugiés en Allemagne !

Nous vous invitons à vous joindre à nous pour célébrer notre 25e anniversaire !

Appel à participer à la préparation du 25ème anniversaire et appel à participer à la célébration des 6 et 7 décembre 2019 à Iéna .

Vous faites partie de cette histoire – Un quart de siècle depuis la fin de l’isolement
25. VOICE Refugee Forum Jubilee Anniversary Forum, 1994 – 2019
Fondée à Mühlhausen et basée à Iéna / Thueringen

Le Forum des Réfugiés “The VOICE” est à la pointe de la dignité et de l’autodétermination depuis un quart de siècle, portant un lourd fardeau d’un quart de siècle – parce que beaucoup ont été soulagés de leur voyage – beaucoup ont pu trouver leur place, un lourd fardeau doit être placé sur le terrain afin de ne pas se perdre comme source pour la prochaine boîte noire des réfugiés.

Briser la culture de la déportation – La déportation est le dernier cercle vicieux de la chaîne des esclaves| RefugeeBlackBox – Solidarité (Initié en 2017)

Vous faites partie de cette histoire comme vous faites partie de l’avenir, ne vous oubliez pas vous-même et ceux qui ont besoin de soutien dans leur lutte.

Comment contribuer:
Contribuer au jubilé de The VOICE, choisir et envoyer une photo sur The VOICE pour l’exposition publique, contribuer à la RefugeeBlackBox. Les activistes réfugiés et migrants et les demandeurs d’asile sont invités et chacun est invité à donner quelques mots sur ses expériences et témoignages dans la boîte. Nous avons tout ce dont nous avons besoin pour le nouvel ordre mondial de solidarité des peuples avec les réfugiés !
Chaque réfugié est l’histoire de l’installation RefugeeBlackBox, c’est aussi un certain pouvoir de connaissance et de sagesse pour trouver votre combat, pour renforcer votre présence et vos enjeux en solidarité avec les luttes et les mouvements des réfugiés.

Chaque fois qu’on arrête la déportation, le masque qui recouvre le visage humain tombe!
La lutte contre la déportation et l’isolement a toujours été au cœur de l’activisme politique de The VOICE. Lutter contre la déportation, c’est lutter contre le nationalisme, la suprématie blanche et l’injustice raciste coloniale!

Etape suivante:
Start on Friday, December 6, 2019 at 10:00 am: Video installation “RBB” in the HolzMarkt Jena:

– Le Symposium VOICE sur l'”Assemblée” des communautés de réfugiés en Allemagne
– À bas les rebelles ! Désorganiser, désobéir et s’organiser contre les expulsions réglementées de Dublin – Arrêter l’expulsion des réfugiés de l’Allemagne

Samedi 7 décembre 2019 : Présentations | RefugeeBlackBox Parade | Musique | Gyration et performance

Il y aura un défilé RefugeeBlackBox contre les crimes de déportation et le racisme colonial en Europe le 7 décembre 2019.

Appel à l’installation décentralisée de RefugeeBlackBox ou à un événement d’information avant les événements de décembre.

Facebook.com/RefugeeBlackBox/

Le Forum des réfugiés “The VOICE” Allemagne

Jena: Handy Tel : + 49 (0) 176 24568988 (Whatsapp),
Courriel : thevoiceforum@gmx.de
Berlin: Handy Tel : +49 (0)170 8788124 (Whatsapp)
Courriel : the_voice_berlin@emdash.org
Thevoiceforum.org

Sudan Revolution Interview

T: We already know you from the Oranienplatz resistance but can you introduce yourself a bit?

A: Adam Bahar. I am coming from Sudan. I’m born in Sudan but I’m in Germany since 2012. Politically active in Sudan since 2002. I was in university fighting for the right of the people of Sudan and against the dictatorship. Also especially because I am coming and I was born in Darfur, where there is war since 2003.

That’s why my main motivation was to start something against the government. Also when I was in this time in university and I was part of a group of Sudanese students organizing themselves. We were organizing ourselves for democracy and people of Darfur.

Result out of that is that we got in trouble with the government and I had to leave Sudan. I came to Europe in 2008 and I was in different countries of Europe. I lived in Greece, Italy, France for 2 years and in 2012 I came to Germany.

T: Our first question is what is the actual situation in Sudan? There was an agreement between Forces of Freedom and Change and the military. And some organizations like Sudan Communist Party told we are getting out from this agreement. Were there other groups inside Forces of Freedom and Change that got out from the agreement?

A: Actual situation in Sudan right now: last week (17th of July, 2019), they signed on the Sudanese constitution transition process. They signed the first letter and it will be completed on 17th of August 2019.

In the first form of the new cabinet there will be 6 people from the opposition parties and 5 people from the military. They will form the cabinet together and power will be hold first 18 months by military and other 18 months by civilian government. New government is supposed to initiate after the 3 years of transition.

But it is just the first part of the whole constitution in Sudan. Second part, there will be a president, there will be a parliament and 67 percent of the parliament will be from the opposition parties which the people are inside and leading the revolution. 33 percent of the parliament will be from the people who were not really taking participation in the revolution but they were also against government and they never worked with the old government of Omar al-Bashir. And the third part of the constitution all the people like youth and women will be the part of parliament.

Sudan in the future will have a parliamentarian government and ministries will have the real power. It will not be like before with only the president having the power. Like how we are having in Germany for example. There is president but president doesn’t have so much power. In Germany there is chancellor – in Sudan we will have prime minister. Also there will be opposition parties.

The problem between the Sudanese Communist Party and the other parties is they don’t want to be a part of the government of the transition period. 5 people from army and 6 people from civilians. Because these 5 people from the army that will take part in, are accused to committing crimes against the people who were protesting in the streets. So Communist Party will not participate in this. But the communist party will be part of the future parliament, because there won’t be any army in the parliament. At the same time they will continue to take part in local politics. They will not just participate in the first level of government where the army that are being accused.

Sudan has been all the time, since 1965, the time when it gained independence from Great Britain, governed by the army. It means army is governing Sudan more than 60 years now. And to take them out completely needs some time.

T: The revolutionaries around the world are curious about how this revolution was being organized? In the neighborhoods – what were the people talking and discussing?

A: The revolution started in December 2018 and it started not because changing of the political situation but started because of the price of bread, which increased 3 times. It started in a marginalized area of Sudan called Atbara where just students of a school went out to the street and demanded to get a bread. Somehow police and security service started reacting violently against the people and killed many students. After that, other people joined this protests of the kids. And because of that, they were really angry and burned the building of the party of Omar al-Bashir, the National Congress Party. The next day people from different cities also went into solidarity with Atbara. Thats how the revolution started.

Before that, we have to also link it to the history. This is not the first revolution in Sudan. But there were two revolutions, 1946 and 1958. And all the time who were pushing for the revolution are the worker unions. When Omar al-Bashir came to power, first thing he did is to crack down all the worker unions. The idea behind it was that the worker unions cannot take any position to fight the government. The Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) started in 2012 to create an autonomous worker union and they first started with lawyers and doctors. Since 2012, they were just fighting for the worker rights like minimum wage etc. By this way they organized many members inside.

SPA had one demonstration register right of the workers and rise of the minimum wage. 2 days before what happened in Atbara. When they see what’s happening in Atbara they took the lead. And they changed the demand of the demonstration. Not only for the minimum wage, they called all the citizens to join them and putting down the regime of Omer al-Bashir.

This is how SPA took the lead. It was also an autonomous structure where no one knows who they are. But somehow they have been existing since 2012. They called in Facebook all citizens of Sudan to participate and organize themselves. At the same time there were local organizations working in districts called “Sudanese Resistance Committees”. It was created by people seeing themselves not a part of SPA but rather like “I need to participate in revolution”. And they made small groups consisting of 4-5 people. Those people know each other very well. By this way, 15-20 groups are created in every district. And no one knows who is inside of other groups. And they were going to demonstrations together.

At the same time, more people were joining also autonomously structured SPA and starting politically to have this demand. Then after 1 months of beginning, on 1st of January 2019, SPA made a call for a paper called Freedom and Change. In this paper there were suggestions how Sudan should be governed in the future. They said we need a democratic Sudan, this government has to go without any discussion. We don’t want Omer al-Bashir, we don’t want his government anymore. We need Sudan to be democratic country where people feel participating in politics, autonomously deciding for themselves.

They called all opposition parties if they agree on this paper to sign. For example the Sudanese Communist Party, the Sudanese Umma Party, the Sudanese Union Party signed it. And were part of the coalition. Also different political groups and civil society groups signed this paper.

There were 3 different groups who were working in revolution. One group SPA, another group local committees doing practical work mobilizing people to streets, tell them about the demonstrations. SPA was calling for the demo and organizing it.

What made this revolution successful is the local structure. You know, structure is built in this way but no one knows who is inside the structure. It was local in every place and it still exists until now. In this period of transition time of 3 years nothing will stop their mobilization and work. Every day they are doing different kinds of activism. They go to the streets, visiting the local people in the neighborhoods, visiting and supporting the people whose relatives or friends are killed. This is the structure that remained until now. This kind of structure is really helping because people will not rely on political parties still they will have their own structure in a local way. To guard the revolution and don’t let dictatorship to come again.

For example, in the last two days, one political party opened new office in Sudan and local people directly went there and asked where they took the money from to open this office. Because it was a nice place, in the middle of the country. Maybe it was funded by corruption and we don’t want corruption anymore in Sudan.

T: A woman in the revolution said: “Not the bullets but the silence is killing us.” How the people came to that point to sacrifice their life, how they came to this point? We know also that women took an important part in the revolution.

A: This has to do how much women were under repression from this regime. Because this regime of Omar al-Bashir is since 30 years like Muslim Brotherhood regime. Holding power in Sudan in the name of Islam, Sharia law. Unfortunately, when there is Sharia law, first things they do is to control woman. Women are not allowed to sit in public spaces, women are not allowed to wear trousers or other clothes, or in an area they cannot do this job because men are there. There were some universities just for women or just for men. These were happening for a long time since beginning of this government.

But in 2002 there was a law called Public Order Law with laws inside that were clearly against women. Since 2002-2003, women started to fight against this law and organized themselves. This also made women more experienced and have their autonomous structure. When this revolution started, women were already ready. That’s why when we see women on the streets it’s something normal.

Now in the new constitution paper that they signed, government has to support the rights of women. For example, in the parliament women will have a 40% quota.

We still see it’s not enough, because we need to also change the old structure of the opposition parties. Because in many parties women are not really presented. In the negotiation group there is just one or two women, the rest is men. Because of opposition parties who were not participating political work since 30 years in Sudan. They had to only work underground and that made it for women not so easy to participate. By writing this in constitution and pushing the political parties to change their structures, it will be possible for women to participate equally in Sudan.

T: People participating in the revolution didn’t really use violent methods. The reason was because they couldn’t obtain guns or was it a decision from the beginning?

A: I think you have to look to the history of Sudan. In Sudan, there has been war between North and South for 20 years. And the result of it is that South Sudan was born into new country in 2010. There is war in Darfur since 2003, there is war in Nuba Mountain and Blue Nile since 2011. And result of that more than 2 million people got killed, millions of people had to flee. Since 20 years people are getting killed and fleeing because of that reason.

People had this idea in their mind that we can not change this dictator with weapon anymore. Because also Darfur and in Nuba Mountain different groups are fighting against the government with weapons since 2003 and 2011. But they haven’t achieved anything. Because government has always more weapons. And people decided that the only method we can use is a peaceful revolution. For this, we are not going to use any violence against anyone. Because, if we use violence we are not stronger enough than the government. The government has more power to use violence and it gets supported by other countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, even Egypt. All these countries also don’t want Sudan to become a democracy.

Because civil disobedience has more success than using violence. That is what people learned from the history of Sudan. Also learned from the outside, for example what is happening in Syria. Using weapon against weapon collapses the country, but not bringing the people to power. That’s why we say all the time in Sudan, revolution is also about learning, about learning internationally from each other.

The same things happening in Rabaa al-Adawiya revolution in Egypt. All dictatorships learn from one book, but the interesting thing is that people doing the revolution they learn better than dictatorships. In Sudan, the army evicted them with violence and the army had the idea of people will be afraid, they won’t go to the street anymore and that we can hold the power. People saw it already in Egypt and they didn’t accept this. After the big massacre, people went to the streets more and more. The last demo was 30th of the July and in every city there were not less than 2-3 million people.

In Sudan, violence is not something new for us, we have had it since 30 years. This government is killing people since 20 years but people don’t talk about it. All other powers, especially Europe, because of controlling refugees don’t talk about it because of their own interests.

If you see how many people died in the revolution since 8 months maybe we can say 500-600 people. But now, revolution succeeded to reach something. But if people had used violence, maybe millions of people would have died and there wouldn’t have been any success.

T: If there weren’tany street actions, would the soldiers do a coup against the Omar al-Bashir regime? Is there is a big difference between today’s military and the Bashir’s regime?

A: First, if people did not go to the streets, they would not do anything. They are under pressure, because people are on the streets everyday. And that’s why people made the sit-in in front of the army building. This has to do for a long time with the history of Sudan, old revolutions have happened here before. People are going to streets and the army stayed on the side of the people and supported people and take the dictators out. This was happening two times in Sudan already.

For sure they would not do it, because for 30 years they didn’t do it. Because of the pressure by people they are doing. Now the difference is: people take their right on their hand. People are going to streets everyday, everywhere in Sudan opposition parties are making events, discussions and they don’t need to register. Even, it is better than what is going on in Europe. In Europe you have to call the police and ask for demonstration. In Sudan people are going to demo without telling to police. People took their right in their hand.

And in the constitution it will be written that people have the right to demonstrate. Police will not have the right stop people without any reason. Before, the Security service in Sudan had the right to do everything. They could arrest you, they could kill you. They were taking so much power from the president. But from now on it will be just an institution to collect information and give to police under the law.

T: With the Arab Spring there were revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. But the revolutions were stolen by the different powers inside the states or by the international powers. Do the people who are doing the revolution in Sudan have a prevention to stop this? Or can also Sudan revolution be stolen?

A: I don’t think so. Because, if you look at the constitution now, it will be built in a way that the old regime will not exist anymore. I think the problem with the all other revolutions in different Arabic countries is that they change the president but they don’t change the constitution. That means, people who are working for dictators still have the power and can bring us new dictators. People in Sudan learned from it. They say they need to change the whole constitution. That’s why there will be a new parliament where only people who were doing the revolution will be sitting.

The only way for the army or a dictator to come back again is to make a coup again. But also people will not accept this, people will go to streets again. Structures are not in the hands of the army anymore.

When in Egypt people did the revolution they just took out the only Husnu Mubarak, but the regime stayed. Exactly this is what’s happening also now in Algeria. The President of Algeria is away, but the whole constitution is there and the whole government is there.

T: Inside Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC) there were different groups like the Sudanese Communist Party, but also there were  anti-capitalist Muslims with the tradition of Mahmoud Mohammed Taha. What kind of groups is there in FFC and what is their ratios as power?

A: There are really left, anti-capitalist groups like Communist Party or Republican Party (anti-capitalist Muslims, Mahmoud Mohammed Taha). There are also different communist groups like Movement of Right (Harakat Haqq). They are also part of this coalition. Then, the other side, you see also traditional parties like the Union Party and the Umma Party.

In the constitution any kind of discrimination like race, religion, gender won’t be accepted.

And all agree on this and reached this point. Now, in Sudan, the left ideology is more accepted in society, because Omar al-Bashir government did everything in the name of Islam and Sharia for 30 years. That’s why, in the future, when people go to the streets, the first things they will demand that religion shouldn’t be a part of politics anymore. Religion has to stay in mosques and churches. There has to be a clear division.

But we shouldn’t forget that Sudan is an African country where the structure is not really strong. There is big movements that don’t want capitalism anymore, at the same time there is a big group of people thinking we need to develop the country, we need to have nice buildings, like thinking in a capitalist way. The next step is to not allow capitalism get power in Sudan. This is our next fight.

For example, I’m part of different groups doing politics since 2002, now also in Germany since 2012. But we are kind of a capitalist group, thinking Sudan has to be like Europe, like Germany. An important part of us saying no to it. We say now, until revolution maybe we are friends, but after the revolution we will be enemies. We will fight against capitalism, because we see what capitalism have done to the people. We don’t want capitalism to be strong in Sudan.

T: People who are on the streets leading and joining the revolution, what are the people’s professions? Were they workers, villagers or unemployed? What are their ages, what are their classes?

A: In the beginning it was generally young people who were in the street. First 3-4 months so many young people were on the streets, especially students and workers. I can put inside the workers from the doctors till the unemployed. Also, unemployed people organized themselves and making their own block. Also women did their own block.

But the interesting thing is that the whole society participated in it. Who was not going to streets tried to organize safe places for the people when they got attacked by the police and army. When there was a demo going on and a attack happened by police, old people stayed in front of their doors, opened their door and hid young people.

People, who are out of Sudan, for example in Europe, were preparing themselves from the beginning, spread the information, did info events, organized money, did demonstrations, talked about the involvement of imperialist countries and how they don’t want revolution to be successful.

T: How was the interest to the Sudan revolution from the left wing or opposition movements in Europe?

A: Unfortunately, there was not such a big interest in it. For example, in Berlin, we were fighting hard to just bring the voice of revolution to different groups, even to the streets. We were not really supported by any group. After 3-4 months, when the revolution was getting violent by the army, different left parties tried to lighten the issue but it was not really what were hoping for.

We shouldn’t also forget that Europe has a big interest in not changing Sudan, because the Bashir regime was working for Europe since 2014, for example in Khartum Process, a deal between Europe and African countries to stop African refugees to come to Europe. For that deal, the Sudanese old government got so much money, got training from European countries to control the borders.

I was writing everyday press releases about the situation in Sudan and was sending them to all parties from SPD to the Left Party (Die Linke) and I didn’t get any answer from them. After 2 months we could get an answer from Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung to make an info event about Sudan.

2 months before, when revolution was almost successful, we had a talk with one Left Party member from Germany Bundestag. We worked together and she held a Bundestag sitting where she asked about Sudan revolution and the money Germany gave to the Sudanese old government. But not more.

We made a sit-in in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Germany and we went inside the ministry and handed over our demands. We had also a demo in front of EU and we made a call of Sudanese people living in Europe. There, we also gave our demands to stop this deal with Sudan. Our work succeeded to put pressure in government of EU. EU stopped to give money for training the police of Sudan.

The new government will come and they will try to talk again about the deal. This is also our next step to work in Germany as Sudanese community here. Because we are sure to face deportations in Germany or in Europe. Because they will say now, Sudan is democracy then you have to go. They will try to activate the Khartum process.

Unfortunately, there is no international solidarity from left groups or even from left parties. From my side, I wouldn’t focus on leftist parties – I would focus on leftist groups. But leftist groups, they are not interested. Maybe it has to do with the fact that Sudan is far away. They never called for demo revolution in Sudan until now. And I was really thinking like: Is this about racism? This has because African people are not worth it? Are they not equal in the mind of leftists? They are really far away and cannot have any contact with African revolution?

For me, what’s happening in Sudan now, is really politically close to the leftist scene. A revolution hold by people, starting with autonomous structure, where people succeeded to kick out the dictator, where women take the lead. There was not really an interest in these issues. I’m questioning myself from time to time to understand the reason. And I couldn’t see a reason until now. But maybe we have to wait for the activists of the leftist scene to tell us why they don’t have any interest in the revolution of Sudan.

Einheit ist eine Waffe

Ali Ahmed lebt seit 2013 in Hamburg und ist Aktivist der Gruppe „Lampedusa in Hamburg“. Aktuell ist er einer von fünf Sprecher*innen, die die Interessen der sudanesischen Aufstandsbewegung im Ausland vertreten.

Am 30. Juni 1989 riss Omar al-Bashir die Macht im Sudan durch einen Militärputsch gegen eine zivile Regierung an sich. Dabei wurde er von der Islamischen Partei ideologisch massiv unterstützt. Schon zu Beginn seiner diktatorischen Herrschaft wurden Tausende entlassen und verhaftet. Nach der Ermordung von 28 Generälen, die sein Regime kritisiert hatten, im Ramadan 1993 begann eine massive Auswanderung aus politischen und ökonomischen Gründen, die die Wirtschaft des Landes erheblich beeinträchtigte.

Gleichzeitig begann im Süd-Sudan der Widerstand gegen die neuen Regeln für das öffentliche Leben, die die Islamische Partei durchgesetzt hatte, und führte bald zur Forderung nach Unabhängigkeit und eigener Verfügung über das Öl. Da das sudanesische Öl vor allem aus dem Süden stammt, bedeutete das ökonomische Probleme für das Land. Auch in anderen Teilen des Landes kam es zu kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen, die mit der Bildung einer großen Zahl von schwer bewaffneten Stammes-Milizen einherging. Die Wirtschaft litt unter den verschwenderischen Militärausgaben und wachsender Korruption, die Unterstützung von weltweit operierenden Terrorgruppen durch al-Bashir und seine Verstrickung in Anschläge führten zu Sanktionen, die die ökonomische und soziale Situation weiter verschlechterten.

Linke und andere sozialen Kräfte begannen sich zu organisieren und entwickelten politische Kampagnen mit Forderungen, die alle Menschen im Land vor Hunger und Armut bewahren würden. Diese haben in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten die Grundlage für die Revolution gelegt, die wir heute im Sudan bildeten erleben.

Die Bürger*innenproteste gegen die Regierung begannen im Dezember 2018 zunächst wegen der stark gestiegenen Brot-Preise, der allgemeinen Verschlechterung der Lebensbedingungen und des zunehmenden Zerfalsl staatlicher Infrastruktur. Schnell entwickelte sich daraus die Forderung nach dem Rücktritt al- Bashirs. Es begann in Städten mit starker Arbeiterschaft wie al Damazin, Port Sudan, Qadrif und Atbara vor allem in Norden und Osten des Landes ebenso wie in der Hauptstadt bis alle gemeinsam nach Khartum zogen, um einen zivilen Staat und das Ende der Militärdiktatur zu fordern. Beim Rücktritt von al-Bashir und wenig später, als der General und Übergangspräsident ibn Ouf zurücktrat, waren 4 Millionen Menschen mit der Forderung nach einer zivilen Regierung auf den Straßen.

Die Sudanese Professionals Alliance (SPA), eine Allianz aus 17 Branchengewerkschaften, übernahm in diesen Auseinandersetzungen die Führungsrolle, forderte die Demonstranten auf, keine Waffen auf das Militär zu richten und verlangte von der Regierung den friedlichen Protest zu respektieren. Am 1. Januar veröffentlichte sie gemeinsam mit 21 weiteren fortschrittlichen Organisationen die „Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel“, die Grundlage eines breiteren Bündnisses ist. Unsere Stärke liegt in unserer Einheit und der Orientierung auf den Frieden. Das führte dazu, dass sich auch Teile des Militärs mit den demonstrierenden Massen solidarisierten und sich weigerten, auf sie zu schießen. Dennoch wurden die friedlichen Demonstrationen immer wieder angegriffen um sie aufzulösen. Tränengas, Gummigeschosse, aber auch immer wieder Schusswaffen wurden eingesetzt. Die Toten und Verwundeten trugen zur Empörung der Bevölkerung bei und ließen die Proteste nicht abreißen: im Mai erreichte die Beteiligung mit 6 Millionen – das bedeutet jede*r sechste Einwohner*in – ihren Höhepunkt. Bemerkenswert ist, dass eine deutliche Mehrheit dieser Menschen Frauen sind, ebenso wie die Sprecher_innen des Bündnisses für Freiheit und Wandel.

Am 11. April verkündeten die Militärs die Absetzung von Omar al-Bashir und den Beginn einer zweijährigen Übergangsperiode, die mit Wahlen enden soll, nach denen die Macht von der Militärjunta übergeben werden soll. Diese Ankündigung wurde von der sudanesischen Bevölkerung mit Empörung aufgenommen, weil sie einen zivilen Staat fordert. Schon seit dem 6. April hatten Millionen von Demonstrant_innen aus der gesamten Region um Khartum begonnen, den Platz vor dem Hauptquartier zu besetzten und dieses sit-in wurde bis zu seiner gewaltsamen Auflösung am Ende des Ramadan am 3. Juni aufrechterhalten. Hunderte wurden getötet; weil viele Leichen in den Nil geworfen wurden, ist es schwer, eine exakte Zahl zu nennen. Mehr als 500 Menschen wurden schwer verletzt. Die Abschaltung des Internet hat die Kommunikation zwischen den Sudanesen in- und außerhalb des Landes extrem erschwert, so dass es schwierig ist, an zuverlässige Informationen zu kommen.

Nach dem Massaker hat die Afrikanische Union die Mitgliedschaft des Sudan ausgesetzt. Saudi-Arabien, die Emirate und Ägypten unterstützen weiter den Militärrat und die westlichen Länder hüllen sich ebenso wie die meisten Medien in Schweigen.

Am 30. Juni werden Sudanesen überall im Land und weltweit auf die Straßen gehen, um deutlich zu machen, dass sie ihren Traum von einem zivilen Staat, gesellschaftlichem Frieden, sozialer Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit für alle nicht aufgeben, sondern weiter dafür kämpfen, dass er Wirklichkeit wird.

Die “Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel” ist auf der Seite der SPA dokumentiert:

Einheit ist eine Waffe

Ali Ahmed lebt seit 2013 in Hamburg und ist Aktivist der Gruppe „Lampedusa in Hamburg“. Aktuell ist er einer von fünf Sprecher*innen, die die Interessen der sudanesischen Aufstandsbewegung im Ausland vertreten.

Am 30. Juni 1989 riss Omar al-Bashir die Macht im Sudan durch einen Militärputsch gegen eine zivile Regierung an sich. Dabei wurde er von der Islamischen Partei ideologisch massiv unterstützt. Schon zu Beginn seiner diktatorischen Herrschaft wurden Tausende entlassen und verhaftet. Nach der Ermordung von 28 Generälen, die sein Regime kritisiert hatten, im Ramadan 1993 begann eine massive Auswanderung aus politischen und ökonomischen Gründen, die die Wirtschaft des Landes erheblich beeinträchtigte.

Gleichzeitig begann im Süd-Sudan der Widerstand gegen die neuen Regeln für das öffentliche Leben, die die Islamische Partei durchgesetzt hatte, und führte bald zur Forderung nach Unabhängigkeit und eigener Verfügung über das Öl. Da das sudanesische Öl vor allem aus dem Süden stammt, bedeutete das ökonomische Probleme für das Land. Auch in anderen Teilen des Landes kam es zu kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen, die mit der Bildung einer großen Zahl von schwer bewaffneten Stammes-Milizen einherging. Die Wirtschaft litt unter den verschwenderischen Militärausgaben und wachsender Korruption, die Unterstützung von weltweit operierenden Terrorgruppen durch al-Bashir und seine Verstrickung in Anschläge führten zu Sanktionen, die die ökonomische und soziale Situation weiter verschlechterten.

Linke und andere sozialen Kräfte begannen sich zu organisieren und entwickelten politische Kampagnen mit Forderungen, die alle Menschen im Land vor Hunger und Armut bewahren würden. Diese haben in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten die Grundlage für die Revolution gelegt, die wir heute im Sudan bildeten erleben.

Die Bürger*innenproteste gegen die Regierung begannen im Dezember 2018 zunächst wegen der stark gestiegenen Brot-Preise, der allgemeinen Verschlechterung der Lebensbedingungen und des zunehmenden Zerfalsl staatlicher Infrastruktur. Schnell entwickelte sich daraus die Forderung nach dem Rücktritt al- Bashirs. Es begann in Städten mit starker Arbeiterschaft wie al Damazin, Port Sudan, Qadrif und Atbara vor allem in Norden und Osten des Landes ebenso wie in der Hauptstadt bis alle gemeinsam nach Khartum zogen, um einen zivilen Staat und das Ende der Militärdiktatur zu fordern. Beim Rücktritt von al-Bashir und wenig später, als der General und Übergangspräsident ibn Ouf zurücktrat, waren 4 Millionen Menschen mit der Forderung nach einer zivilen Regierung auf den Straßen.

Die Sudanese Professionals Alliance (SPA), eine Allianz aus 17 Branchengewerkschaften, übernahm in diesen Auseinandersetzungen die Führungsrolle, forderte die Demonstranten auf, keine Waffen auf das Militär zu richten und verlangte von der Regierung den friedlichen Protest zu respektieren. Am 1. Januar veröffentlichte sie gemeinsam mit 21 weiteren fortschrittlichen Organisationen die „Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel“, die Grundlage eines breiteren Bündnisses ist. Unsere Stärke liegt in unserer Einheit und der Orientierung auf den Frieden. Das führte dazu, dass sich auch Teile des Militärs mit den demonstrierenden Massen solidarisierten und sich weigerten, auf sie zu schießen. Dennoch wurden die friedlichen Demonstrationen immer wieder angegriffen um sie aufzulösen. Tränengas, Gummigeschosse, aber auch immer wieder Schusswaffen wurden eingesetzt. Die Toten und Verwundeten trugen zur Empörung der Bevölkerung bei und ließen die Proteste nicht abreißen: im Mai erreichte die Beteiligung mit 6 Millionen – das bedeutet jede*r sechste Einwohner*in – ihren Höhepunkt. Bemerkenswert ist, dass eine deutliche Mehrheit dieser Menschen Frauen sind, ebenso wie die Sprecher_innen des Bündnisses für Freiheit und Wandel.

Am 11. April verkündeten die Militärs die Absetzung von Omar al-Bashir und den Beginn einer zweijährigen Übergangsperiode, die mit Wahlen enden soll, nach denen die Macht von der Militärjunta übergeben werden soll. Diese Ankündigung wurde von der sudanesischen Bevölkerung mit Empörung aufgenommen, weil sie einen zivilen Staat fordert. Schon seit dem 6. April hatten Millionen von Demonstrant_innen aus der gesamten Region um Khartum begonnen, den Platz vor dem Hauptquartier zu besetzten und dieses sit-in wurde bis zu seiner gewaltsamen Auflösung am Ende des Ramadan am 3. Juni aufrechterhalten. Hunderte wurden getötet; weil viele Leichen in den Nil geworfen wurden, ist es schwer, eine exakte Zahl zu nennen. Mehr als 500 Menschen wurden schwer verletzt. Die Abschaltung des Internet hat die Kommunikation zwischen den Sudanesen in- und außerhalb des Landes extrem erschwert, so dass es schwierig ist, an zuverlässige Informationen zu kommen.

Nach dem Massaker hat die Afrikanische Union die Mitgliedschaft des Sudan ausgesetzt. Saudi-Arabien, die Emirate und Ägypten unterstützen weiter den Militärrat und die westlichen Länder hüllen sich ebenso wie die meisten Medien in Schweigen.

Am 30. Juni werden Sudanesen überall im Land und weltweit auf die Straßen gehen, um deutlich zu machen, dass sie ihren Traum von einem zivilen Staat, gesellschaftlichem Frieden, sozialer Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit für alle nicht aufgeben, sondern weiter dafür kämpfen, dass er Wirklichkeit wird.

Die “Erklärung für Freiheit und Wandel” ist auf der Seite der SPA dokumentiert:

39 months City Plaza: the end of an era, the beginning of a new one

On 10th July 2019 the keys of squatted City Plaza were handed back to the former employees of the hotel, to whom the mobile equipment in the building belongs. All refugees living at City Plaza have been moved to safe housing within the city.

On 22 April 2016, the Economic and Political Refugee Solidarity Initiative squatted the empty City Plaza building with a two-fold goal: to create, on the one hand, a space of safety and dignity in which to house refugees in the centre of the city and, on the other, to create a centre of struggle against racism, borders, and social exclusion. For the freedom of movement and for the right to stay.

The decision to squat was taken at a critical political juncture. On 18th March 2016, one month before the squat opened, the EU-Turkey deal to restrict the movement of refugees to Europe was signed. It was the deal that marked the end of the “summer of migration” – the period which began in July 2015 when, under pressure from approximately one million people, the European borders “opened”. This was the deal that turned the islands of the Aegean into a sort of prison for migrants, and which turned mainland Greece into a trap for over 60,000 people. The SYRIZA-ANEL government, following its capitulation to the neoliberal management of the economic crisis, took on the the implementation of a policy of control, deterrence and discouragement of migration. With Frontex and NATO patrolling the Aegean, with detention centres such as Moria on the islands, with awful camps as the only policy for housing refugees on the mainland, by punishing solidarity and the struggle of refugees. During that time, the housing issue was very pressing. The refugees who had arrived in Athens were either homeless or were being housed in the awful camps of Elliniko, Malakasa, or the port of Piraeus, while hundreds of people slept in tents or cardboard boxes in city streets and squares.

It was while these were happening that a discussion began within the Economic and Political Refugee Solidarity Initiative, which led to the decision to squat City Plaza, a hotel on Acharnon street which remained shut for seven years. The decision had certain features of voluntarism, and was not justified by the forces in our disposal, nor by the state of the anti-authoritarian movement at the time. Yet it was a move which addressed the political situation and the great struggle of the refugees who had, over the previous months, opened the borders of Fortress Europe and thus won their right to freedom of movement. It also matched the massive and spontaneous social solidarity movement which developed along the length of the migration route.

City Plaza as an example of dignified housing, space for social solidarity and cooperation between locals and migrants.

From its inception, City Plaza was organized around two key goals:

  • to create a space for safe and dignified housing for migrants in the centre of the city, a space of solidarity and cooperation between locals and migrants.
  • to function as a centre of struggle in which political and social demands by migrants and locals will interweave and complement each other.

CP proved in practice that the state policy of “hospitality” towards refugees is a mixture of harshness, incompetence, and political expediency. Where the solidarity movement, without any funding from formal institutions, without any “experts” or employees, managed to create one of the best housing spaces in the centre of the city, the state continued to abide by the trapping of refugees in makeshift camps and tents in the mainland, and by imposing a regime of refuting the rights of refugees and detaining them in hot spots on the islands, at the threat of deportation.
This contrast was the key element which led to mass support for CP at the beginning of its operation, by individual activists, organizations/collectives of the left, as well as by people who joined the movement for the first time there. Of course, because of the ownership status of the hotel, there were several attacks “from the left” which, fully aligned with the narrative of the owner and the petty bourgeois rhetoric on the “supreme human right to property”, attempt to belittle the effort, by spreading conspiracy theories (ranging from claims that we’re being funded by Soros, SYRIZA, the German State, to claims that we traffic drugs, firearms, children, and sex workers), slandering the collective and the activists who are part of it.

City Plaza proved in practice that refugees and locals can live together when, instead of isolation, punishment, and hatred, there is solidarity, struggle, and community. At the opposite pole from the camps, located outside the cities and in awful conditions, CP managed, in a difficult neighbourhood, until recently patrolled by neonazis, to brighten the formerly dark corner between Acharnon and Katrivanou, by giving it the character of security truly valued by those from below: the security of dignified housing, community, solidarity, and vitality of the people selflessly fighting for better lives.

At the same time, dozens of people showed their solidarity around the world. Through their daily presence, their participation in shifts, positive attitude and a large-scale international campaign for the financial support of the project. Dozens of crates of food and other essentials were sent to Plaza, thousands of people and groups made donations to support the project, which relied solely on donations for its survival.

City Plaza also served as a centre for struggle. Aiming to internationally denounce the anti-refugee policies of the SYRIZA-ANEL government and the EU, we brought to the fore topics such as criminal responsibility for shipwrecks and loss of human life, the delay or obstruction of sea rescue, the practice of illegal pushbacks in Evros and the Aegean, the conditions of imprisonment in hotspots. City Plaza hosted dozens of open discussions on the border regime, racism, the struggle for rights, often featuring contributions by well-known intellectuals from around the world, such as Judith Butler, Angela Davis, David Harvey, Alain Badiou, Sandro Mezzandra, among others. Yet the goal was not just to highlight issues relating to migrant struggles, but also to link them to the struggles of locals. In the rallies for International Worker’s Day, the Polytechnic Uprising, antifascist and feminist protests, the City Plaza block was present throughout the three years.

The City Plaza community: Practices, Rights, Cooperation.

The answer to the question of what City Plaza is is known to the thousands of people who passed through its doors: CP is a project for the realisation of a conception of everyday life which aims to empower those “from below”, in the constitution of a space of freedom, which practically realises an aspect of the society we envision.

Its mode of operation expressed a politics of everyday life which is in opposition to the dominant model of managing migration, especially to its “NGOisation”. At the core of this voluntary contribution of time, effort, and emotion was not the “provision of services” to “the vulnerable” but the attempt to combat insecurity and fear, to empower and encourage confidence and trust in the collective. Help to refugees was re-politicised – and became solidarity and common struggle. Self-organisation, shared responsibility and decision making were central, as was a constant reflection on the inequalities permeating relations within the project: localisation, class, gender, language, education, etc.

Despite the inherent contradictions and difficulties, the collective experience of organising everyday life was the foundation for building a strong community of solidarity. At the same time, in this context, and in contrast to dominant victimising narratives, refugees and migrants became dynamic subjects with an active role on social and political life.

Daily life at CP was based on the principle of participatory organisation and collective decision making and operations, processes particularly complex in a community of 350 people speaking different languages, and with different ethnic, class, and social backgrounds, and different plans for the future. Regular coordination meetings became the space in which equal discussion took place on issues of operation and organisation, while House meetings were – especially in the beginning – a real lesson in how we can and should discuss, operate, and co-implement, as refugees and as locals. The organisation of residents and solidarians into working groups was a component of organising the project but also an essential basis for developing personal and political relationships amongst ourselves. The working groups were: Reception, Education, Children’s Activities, Health Centre, Kitchen, Security, Economics, Cleaning, Communications, as well as a self-organized Women’s Space.

In its 36 months of operation, City Plaza hosted over 2,500 refugees from 13 different countries. About 100 of the 126 rooms of the hotel hosted 350 refugees at any one time, while the remaining 26 either served as communal spaces (classrooms, women’s space, storage space) or to host solidarians from around the world. It was, after all, City Plaza’s political choice to not serve as a housing space “for” refugees but as a space of cohabitation and shared everyday life.

Yet we will not provide statistics referring to countries of origin, ages or ‘vulnerable” cases. In contrast, we will provide “statistics” on the enormous amount of resources that the movement was able to mobilise in order to keep City Plaza going:

* 812,250 hot meals were prepared by the kitchen team

* 74,500 work hours on security shifts

* 28,630 hours of shifts at reception

* 5,100 hours of language teaching and creative educational activities

* 69,050 rolls of toilet paper

However, the most important things cannot be counted. They have to do with human relationships, mutual respect and solidarity, emotions and experiences, optimism born out of common struggle.

The end of an era, the beginning of a new one

Such a project demands enormous resources. It is not a political squat which can stay closed for a couple of days in August without any problems. It is a space which demands a daily commitment, responsibility, and presence. Besides, the way we see it, self-organization is not automatic. To the contrary, it requires many hours of work, often endless processes of shared decision making, and interminable difficulties. In other words, self-organization and solidarity are not theory. They are action in the here and now. Action full of contradictions and life’s problems. In a society in which authoritarianism, war, capitalism, and competition between the subjugated is considered normal, while multiple divisions and hierarchies permeate us all, because of our origins, genders, and class backgrounds, self-organisation is not a slogan. It is a struggle.

Unfortunately, as often happens in many self-organized projects, enthusiasm, commitment, and participation dwindle over time – especially when circumstances are so demanding. The fact that the overwhelming majority of City Plaza residents are in transit made it impossible to hand the operation of the squat completely over to the refugees as most of them, sooner or later, left for Europe. At the same time, the material resources required for a project of such size – for food, hygiene products, medications, building maintenance – became harder to come by, despite the fact that comrades throughout Europe have demonstrated extraordinary commitment.

On the basis of all of the above, shortly before City Plaza celebrated its two-year anniversary, and following calls to collectives and spaces which supported the project from its inception, there opened a difficult and contradictory discussion on how long City Plaza can carry on, or whether and how it should adapt, given that we did not wish to see the project decline. There was a dilemma on whether we would move towards the direction of “normalising/ legalising” the squat or towards completing the project, while also looking for new ways to keep the community it created alive in a different context.
The first option was found to be politically undesirable, as it clashes with City Plaza’s character as a political alternative to NGOisation, and leads to a disconnect between the issues of safe housing and collective struggle and rights demands more generally.

We decided that, despite it being a difficult choice, City Plaza should rightly close the way it began and operated: as a political project, by protecting the central element which turned it into a example, that is organisation from below, safe and dignified living, community of struggle, and addressed to society as a whole.

During the House meeting of 26th May 2018, we jointly decided on this direction – not without contradictions and disagreements – and there was an extensive discussion about how to implement such a decision. Beginning in June 2018, City Plaza did not accept new residents, while there was a collective commitment that the project would not wind down until every resident had found acceptable accommodation. This commitment was not at all simple to implement. The wider circumstances of dealing with the refugee question – both from the point of view of the SYRIZA-ANEL government and from the point of view of NGOs, did not provide an opportunity to provide institutionally guaranteed housing to residents, while other spaces and squats could not house such a large number of refugees, despite positive attempts to support this.

One year on, and while the project was winding down, the expected change in the political landscape, with the imminent re-election of New Democracy, made it imperative to once more address the pace at which the project is progressing towards its close, taking into account the fact that, over the past several months, several refugees had gradually moved to safe housing. Plaza has two pending court orders for its evacuation, while high-ranking New Democracy members made daily references to the “destruction of private property” and the “lawlessness” at City Plaza. In this respect, evacuation could be used as a deterrent, while many refugees, especially those with no fixed legal status, could face disproportionate consequences (deportation, detention, etc.). Even though, for some, an evacuation by New Democracy could be seen as a “heroic exit”, for which few political explanations would need to be given, nevertheless most City Plaza residents would be put in danger, especially in view of their already vulnerable and unstable status.

This reconfirmed the decision to bring City Plaza to a close, on a collective basis and in our own terms. All refugees found safe housing. In the almost eighteen months between the decision to shut down and its implementation, most refugees moved on towards Northern Europe. Out of those who remained at City Plaza, some had the opportunity to rent their own place, as they had since found employment, while others still resorted to collective solutions. Through shared spaces and other housing projects which we have already put in place, along with the impossibly persistent network of all the people who actively participated in the project (refugees and solidarians), the community will continue to exist long after the building has been abandoned.

City Plaza’s closure is linked to the wider movement’s inability to develop effective forms of organization, mobilisation, and discourse on the refugee questions, which match the demands of the time. It is true that many parts of the wider social movement decided on different degrees of involvement, being unable to support the project and/or develop similar ones, which would galvanise our efforts through a new dynamic. This position is not apportioning blame, but highlights the project as part of a wider social and political process, reflecting the ideological-political and organisational crisis within the movement, with which we will have to deal in the next phase.

City Plaza was an invaluable political experience for all who took part, but also a political event far greater than the sum of its parts. Without exaggeration, CP was the pan-European symbol which concentrated resistance to the racist and repressive migration regime of the EU, following the closure of the borders after the EU-Turkey deal was signed. Equally, it served as a strong counter-example at a time of pessimism and demobilisation for the left, and a time of resurgence for the far right.

City Plaza was a great struggle which, like all great struggles, cannot be counted as a clear victory or a clear defeat. It is a chapter in antiracist and migration struggles and, at the same time, an experiment in social movements, an unexpected mix of different needs, sociopolitical, gendered, and class experiences. This meeting, like every mixture, needs some time for the multiple experiences to settle and leave their trace on our individual and collective consciousness.In this milieu, new forms of resistance, struggle, and relationships of cooperation and solidarity will form – in Athens as well as in the dozens of cities at which City Plaza residents will arrive, as well as in the daily struggles against the barbarism or racism and repressive policies.

The City Plaza collective was, from the beginning, aware of its contradictory makeup. The alternative it proposed could not but me incomplete, dependent on the circumstances in which it was born and the subjective capacities of the movement and its people, with their brains, hearts, and bodies. Yet it was also restricted, like every struggle for rights and equal participation, which impinges on the power of capitalist exploitation, the imposition and reproduction of nationalist, racist, and gendered hierarchies and divisions.

City Plaza is a link in a chain of struggles for social emancipation. A peculiar struggle, as it began from the small and the everyday, from how to cook the food and how to clean the building, and extended to resistance to the border regime and to multiple levels of discrimination. For those of us who took part in it, CP was an opportunity to redefine and to reflect on political thought and practice, relations of power, everyday life, cohabitation and its terms, self-organisation and its contradictions. We say goodbye to S(p)iti Plaza with one promise: to transfer this rich experience, to continue to enrich and broaden the ways and the places of common struggle.

Solidarity will win!

Source: https://www.facebook.com/sol2refugeesen/

The Greek Version can be found in Daily Resistance #6

STOP THE DEPORTATION OF NIGERIANS – FOR FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT!

Deutsch: Flüchtlingsprotest und Solidaritäts-Demonstration in Gotha zusammen mit The VOICE Refugee Forum
http://thevoiceforum.org/node/4625

Refugee Protest and Solidarity in Gotha together with The VOICE Refugee Forum

Saturday, 10.08.2019 Gotha Train Station

10 am | RBB Solidarity Installation

2 pm | Rally

3 pm | DEMONSTRATION

Refugee Protest in Gotha: There will be Refugee Black Box Installation – Paint it Black! before the Demonstration on Saturday, August 10th, 2019 | 10 am

RBB Performance Gyration | Music and Cultural Programm till the end.

STOP THE TERROR OF DEPORTATIONS – BREAK THE ISOLATION!!

We Nigerians, refugees from Gotha, together with activists from The VOICE Refugee Forum are calling for your solidarity. We live here in the refugee lager in Gotha and are witnessing how our brothers and sisters are being deported at nighttime.

Most of us have a long journey to escape the horror that we have experienced. On our way, we survived the desert and the Mediterranean sea. Some of us survived as well the streets of Italy, where we looked for a small shelter to protect ourselves and children from the rain and cold winds. Now, we do not sleep because every night the police might come and deport us back to Nigeria or any other country. Our lives are dominated by the permanent fear that the German government is putting on us and our children.

This fear has increased since last year we heard that the Nigerian and German governments are talking to deport up to 30.000 Nigerian brothers and sisters from Germany. They are selling and pushing us without asking how and where we would like to live. They ignore our wishes to live a life in peace, security and dignity. We have not fled to here to live in an isolation camp in Thuringia. We want to shape our future and that of our children.

We cannot accept how we are pushed from one to another country and how
our lives are endangered. We cannot accept how unsafe countries and
societies are labeled safe and refugees are sent back there, as it is done for refugees from Afghanistan.

We call for a parade and demonstration with Refugee Black Box Installation and Performance here in Gotha. With our presence we show what the bureaucrats in both, the German and Nigerian, governments are doing: They destroy our lives. Since 2011 both governments have strengthened their cooperation. One of the main areas is migration. On the one side the people are biometrically captured by technology provided by Germany and on the other side Nigerian refugees are deported from Germany. The award for every deported refugee is economical contracts and money that is fed to a corrupt regime.
We call for other refugees to solidarize and build a common struggle against the inhuman attacks on us. The new laws are further cutting the minimum rights we had. We have no other opportunity than to stand up for our dignity and those of our children.

We ask all other refugees to build their own Refugee Black Boxes and installations to show the communities’ networks of solidarity. Let us know how you see the deportations and the isolation that you are forced to live in.

We call on all progressive activists, friends and sympathizers, refugees and non-refugees to join us in launching our campaign against deportation of Nigerians and to protest against the deportations and against isolation of refugees.

Bring your Refugee Black Box!

Send your solidarity message to us. If you are not able to come to make your own Black Box you can send a photo of your Refugee Black Box to the Facebook page of the Refugee Black Box:

https://www.facebook.com/RefugeeBlackBox or check your messenger for
@RefugeeBlackBox

If you cannot come you can give a small or big donation for our fellow sisters and brothers that want to come to Gotha from Erfurt, Jena or elsewhere but cannot afford the ticket due to the limited money they have as refugees. Donations, one Euro or more, can be transferred to the account of THE VOICE Refugee Forum given below.

RBB Press: Refugee Black Box is a political agenda.

Power to the people in the revolutionary form and not just as a slogan. The idea must be extended to all people of the world in a practical way. Slow but powerful and strong.

Solidarity is not only our weapon, but it is our resisted oppressed bodies.
Our presence is our resistance and our resistance is our solidarity.

The Refugee Black Box activists with African Community of Guineans in Jena, The Afghanistan refugee community and MOVE in Erfurt with the Refugee Cafe in Goettingen will be demonstrating with us.

Contact:

Gotha: Vivian Chikodinaka: Tel. +49 152 16380860, Prince Cassidy Presido: +49 152 14159888

Jena: The VOICE Refugee Forum +49 176-24568988, Oury Diallo: +49 151 54660418

Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/RefugeeBlackBox/

Donations to:

Förderverein The VOICE e.V.
Sparkasse Göttingen
Kontonummer: 127829
BLZ: 260 500 01
IBAN: DE97 2605 0001 0000 1278 29
BIC: NOLADE21GOE

We are grateful for any donation (tax deductible, donation receipt if wanted)!

Daily Resistance Assembly #2 on June 23

What is the current situation of our newspaper Daily Resistance? How could and should it continue? The second Daily Resistance Assembly takes place on June 23, 2019 in Café Karanfil. Come, discuss and decide with us!

English below / Francais en bas / Türkçe aşağıda

23. Juni 2019, 13 – 18 Uhr im Café Karanfil, Mahlower Str. 7 (U8-Boddinstr.)

Liebe Aktivist*innen, Autor*innen, Verteiler*innen, Leser*innen, Freund*innen und alle interessierten Menschen, 
im März fand die erste Daily Resistance Assembly statt. Viele von euch sind gekommen. Wir haben zusammen über die Zeitung gesprochen, und wir haben gemeinsam Entscheidungen getroffen, wie es mit Daily Resistance weitergeht. Wir wollen das begonnene Gespräch mit euch fortsetzen!
Wir haben entschieden, dass es regelmäßige Assemblys geben soll. Sie sollen einen Ort des Austauschs und Kontakts zwischen verschiedenen Initiativen des Refugee Movements schaffen, um gemeinsam darüber zu sprechen, was es in den Initiativen Neues gibt und was aktuell wichtige Themen sind. 
Die nächste Assembly findet am 23.6.2019 von 13 Uhr bis 18 Uhr im Café Karanfil statt (Mahlower Str. 7, U8-Boddinstr.).

Ende Juli soll außérdem die nächste Ausgabe von Daily Resistance erscheinen. Deshalb schlagen wir vor, diese Assembly auch dafür zu nutzen, um gemeinsam Forderungen zu sammeln, zu erarbeiten und zu erneuern. Wir wollen sie in der nächsten Ausgabe von Daily Resistance abdrucken, vielleicht direkt als Poster zum Rausnehmen.
Wenn ihr Fragen habt oder Themen vorschlagen wollt, schreibt uns eine Mail. Bitte sagt uns Bescheid, ob ihr kommt und ob ihr Kinderbetreuung braucht:dailyresistance@systemli.org


Hoffentlich bis bald! 
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DAILY RESISTANCE ASSEMBLY June 23rd 2019, 13:00 – 18:00, Café Karanfil, Mahlower Str. 7 (U8-Boddinstr.)

Dear activists*, authors*, distributors*, readers*, friends* and all interested people, our first Daily Resistance Assembly took place in March. Many of you came! Together we discussed the situation of our newspaper and decided, how to continue with Daily Resistance.  Now we would like to continue our conversation with you!
We therefore decided to organise the Daily Resistance Assembly more often. We hope the Assembly can give opportunity for exchange and contact between the many initiatives of the Refugee Movement. We hope the Assembly can discuss, what’s new in our initiatives, and to address those questions that are most important right now.  
Our next Assembly will take place 23.6.2019, 13 to 18 hours at Café Karanfil (Mahlower Str. 7, U8-Boddinstr.).

By the end of July we also want to publish the next issue of Daily Resistance. We therefore suggest to collect common demands, to articulate new demands as well as to renew the existing ones during this Assembly. We want to publish them in the next Daily Resistance, maybe even in form of a poster to take out.
If you have questions or if you want to suggest a topic beforehand, send us an email.Please let us know, if you can come and if you need childcare: dailyresistance@systemli.org


We hope to see you soon! 
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ASSEMBLÉE DE DAILY RESISTANCE, le 23 juin 2019, de 13h00 à 18h00au Café Karanfil, Mahlower Str. 7 (U8-Boddinstr.) 

Chèr*es activist*es, auteurs*, distributeur*es, lecteur*es, ami*es et toutes personnes intéressées,
la première Assemblée de Daily Resistance a eu lieu en mars. Beaucoup de vous sont venu*es. Ensemble, nous avons parlé du journal et nous avons pris des décisions ensemble concernant la question de comment procéder avec Daily Resistance.  Nous voulons continuer la conversation que nous avons commencé avec vous!
Nous avons décidé qu’il devrait y avoir des assemblées régulières – pour créer un lieu d’échange et de contact entre les différentes initiatives du Mouvement des Réfugiés pour discuter ensemble de ce qui est nouveau dans les initiatives et de ce qui est actuellement important.
La prochaine Assemblée aura lieu le 23.6.2019 de 13h00 à 18h00 au Café Karanfil (Mahlower Str. 7, U8-Boddinstr.)

La prochaine édition de Daily Resistance paraîtra fin juillet. C’est pourquoi nous proposons d’utiliser cette Assemblée pour collecter, développer et renouveler ensemble les demandes. Nous voulons les imprimer dans le prochain numéro de Daily Resistance, peut-être directement sous forme d’affiche.Si vous avez des questions ou si vous souhaitez suggérer des sujets, veuillez nous envoyer un message.
S´il vous plait, faites nous savoir si vous venez et si vous avez besoin d’une garderie d`enfance:dailyresistance@systemli.org.

Nous esperons de vous voir bientôt !
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DAILY RESISTANCE GENEL TOPLANTISI, 23. haziran 2019, 13 – 18 saatleri arasındaCafé Karanfil, Mahlower Str. 7 (U8-Boddinstr.)


Sevgili aktivistler, yazarlar, dağıtımcılar ve ilgili arkadaşlar,
Mart ayı içinde birinci Daily Resistance gazetesi genel toplantısı gerçekleştirildi. Sizlerden çok sayıda katılım oldu. Birlikte görüş alış verişi yaptık. Daily Resistance gazetesine nasıl devam edebileceğimiz üzerine konuştuk. 
İlk görüşmeyi hatırlatmak istiyoruz:Karar verdik ki bu genel toplantıyı düzenli olarak yapmamız gerekli. Farklı insiyatifler ve mülteci hareketleriyle bağlar kurup yeni gruplar ve aktüel gündemler üzerine fikir alış verişi yapmak istiyoruz.

Önümüzdeeki genel toplantı; 23.6.2019 tarilinde 13-18 saatleri arasında Cafe Karanfil (Mahlowerstr.7 U-8 Boddinstr.) de gerçekleştirilecektir.
Temmuz sonunda Daily Resistance gazetesinin yeni sayısını basmak istiyoruz. Bu yeni sayı öncesi genel toplantıda talep ve önerilerimizi toplamak istiyoruz. Belki yeni sayı için posteri beraber hazırlayabiliriz.
Eğer bir soru ya da öneriniz varsa email adresinden bize yazabilirsiniz. Gelmek istiyorsanız ve çocuk bakıcılığına ihtiyacınız varsa lütfen bize bildirin: dailyresistance@systemli.org.

Yakında görüşmek dileyiyle.

Daily Resistance Assembly on March 31st

Francais en bas, Deutsch unten

What is the current situation of our newspaper Daily Resistance? How could and should it continue? The first Daily Resistance Assembly takes place on March 31, 2019. Come, discuss and decide with us!

Why: Daily Resistance was created as a newspaper from the Refugee Movement to publish experiences, positions and discussions from the movement. Daily Resistance should be a means of resistance and help us
to organize. But at the moment the editorial group consists only of a small group of activists*. WE LACK THE EXCHANGE WITH OTHER ACTIVISTS, WE
LACK YOUR IMPULSES, EXPERIENCES, IDEAS AND CRITICISM. THAT’S WHAT DAILY RESISTANCE LIVES FROM, AND THAT’S WHAT THIS NEWSPAPER IS FOR.

What: We think that the newspaper needs a different structure, a different way of working and a bigger “we”. It needs a space for collective decisions about Daily Resistance. There we will discuss and clarify together what the newspaper can be and what it can do for us in
our political contexts. This requires a regular opportunity for exchange and contact between people who want to use the newspaper as an instrument.

Our suggestion is to call an assembly: TWICE A YEAR WE WOULD LIKE TO ORGANIZE AN ASSEMBLY. There we want to talk about what is important in your initiatives and how it can appear in the newspaper. It can be about fundamental debates, about the political orientation of the newspaper, but also about individual topics like choice of articles or organisatorial questions about finances, translations or distribution. We meet to get new ideas, to think together and to make the newspaper again a project of many people for many people. Through the assembly many can participate in the newspaper, discuss,without regularly attending the editorial meetings – though each of you is very welcome
there as well. THE ASSEMBLY SHOULD FUNCTION AS A SPACE WHERE WE CAN CONSULT COLLECTIVELY AND MAKE DECISIONS TOGETHER.

Do you have ideas, criticism, suggestions? Come to the first Daily Resistance Assembly:

Date: 31 March 2019, 13 – 18 Location: Aquarium, Skalitzer Str. 6, Kreuzberg
During the meeting there will be childcare and food.

Procedure
1st block 13 – 15:00 o’clock
Welcoming
Aims of the assembly
What do we want to use Daily Resistance for?
What is happening in your initiatives right now?
15 – 16 h lunch break
2nd block 16 – 18 o’clock
Assembly method and structure
Concrete questions, outlook, planning
Final round: Statement of the assembly

If you have questions or you want to suggest a topic beforehand, talk to us: email/phone or pad: http://pad.riseup.net/p/Daily-Resistance-Assembly
Please let us know if you can come and if you need childcare: dailyresistance@systemli.org

We hope to see you soon!

Your DR`s – Turgay, Younous, Sarah, Johann, Kathrin, Sönke, Anka

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Wie steht es um unsere Zeitung Daily Resistance? Wie kann und soll es mit ihr weitergehen?
Am 31. März 2019 findet die erste Daily Resistance – Assembly statt. Kommt, sprecht und entscheidet mit!

Warum: Daily Resistance ist als Zeitung aus dem Refugee-Movement entstanden, um Erfahrungen, Positionen, Diskussionen aus der Bewegung zu
veröffentlichen. Daily Resistance soll ein Mittel des Widerstands sein und helfen, uns gemeinsam zu organisieren. Doch im Moment besteht die Redaktionsgruppe nur aus einer kleinen Gruppe von Aktivist*innen. UNS FEHLT DER AUSTAUSCH MIT ANDEREN AKTIVIST*INNEN, UNS FEHLEN EURE IMPULSE, ERFAHRUNGEN, IDEEN UND KRITIK. DENN DAVON LEBT DAILY RESISTANCE, UND DAFÜR GIBT ES DIESE ZEITUNG.

Was: Wir denken, dass die Zeitung eine andere Struktur braucht, eine andere Arbeitsweise und ein größeres „Wir”. Es braucht einen Raum für kollektive Entscheidungen über Daily Resistance. Dort soll
gemeinsam diskutiert und geklärt werden, was die Zeitung sein kann und was sie für uns in unseren politischen Zusammenhängen tun kann. Dazu braucht es eine regelmäßige Möglichkeit für Austausch und Kontakt zwischen Menschen, die die Zeitung als Instrument nutzen wollen.

Unser Vorschlag ist, eine Assembly/Versammlung einzuberufen: ZWEIMAL IM JAHR MÖCHTEN WIR EINE GROßE VERSAMMLUNG ORGANISIEREN. Dort wollen wir uns darüber austauschen, was in euren Initiativen wichtig ist und wie das in der Zeitung erscheinen kann. Es kann um Grundsatzdebatten gehen, um die politische Ausrichtung der Zeitung, aber auch um einzelne Themen oder organisatorische Fragen wie Finanzen, Vertrieb, Übersetzungen u.a. Wir treffen uns, um neue Ideen zu bekommen, gemeinsam zu denken und die Zeitung wieder zu einem Projekt von vielen Menschen für viele Menschen zu machen. Durch die Versammlung können viele an der Zeitung mitwirken und mitdiskutieren, ohne an den Redaktionstreffen regelmäßig teilzunehmen – jede*r von euch ist aber auch dort sehr willkommen. DIE VERSAMMLUNG SOLL ALS EIN RAUM FUNKTIONIEREN, IN DEM WIR UNS KOLLEKTIV BERATEN UND GEMEINSAM ENTSCHEIDEN KÖNNEN.

Habt ihr Ideen, Kritik, Vorschläge? Kommt zur ersten Versammlung von Daily Resistance:

Termin: 31. März 2019, 13 – 18 Uhr Ort: Aquarium, Skalitzer Str. 6, Kreuzberg
Während der Versammlung wird es Kinderbetreuung und Essen geben.

Ablauf
1. Block 13 – 15:00 Uhr
Willkommen
Ziele der Assembly
Wofür wollen wir Daily Resistance nutzen?
Was ist aktuell in euren Initiativen?
15 – 16 Uhr Essenspause
2. Block 16 – 18 Uhr
Arbeitsweise und Struktur der Assembly
konkrete Fragen, Ausblick, Planung
Abschlussrunde: Statement der Assembly

Wenn ihr vorher Fragen stellen wollt oder Themen vorschlagen könnt, sprecht mit uns: E-Mail/Telefon oder Pad: http://pad.riseup.net/p/Daily-Resistance-Assembly
Es wäre schön, wenn ihr uns Bescheid sagt, ob ihr kommen könnt/wollt und ob ihr Kinderbetreuung braucht: dailyresistance@systemli.org

Hoffentlich bis bald!

Eure DR-Crew – Turgay, Younous, Sarah, Johann, Kathrin, Sönke, Anka

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Quelle est la situation actuelle de notre journal Daily Resistance? Comment pourrait et devrait-elle se poursuivre? La première Assemblée de Daily Resistance va avoir lieu le 31 mars. Venez, discutez et décidez avec nous!

Pourquoi : Daily Resistance a été créé comme un journal des refuge*es de publier les expériences, les positions et les discussions des membres du mouvement. Daily Resistance doit être un moyen de résistance et nous aider à nous organiser. Mais à l’heure actuelle, le groupe éditorial se compose uniquement d’un petit groupe d’activiste*s. NOUS MANQUONS D’ÉCHANGES AVEC D’AUTRES ACTIVISTES, NOUS MANQUONS D’IMPULSIONS, D’EXPÉRIENCES, D’IDÉES ET DE CRITIQUES. C’EST DE CA QUE DAILY RESISTANCE VIT, ET C’EST À ÇA QUE SERT CE JOURNAL.

Quoi : Nous pensons que le journal a besoin d’une autre structure, d’une structure différente, une autre façon de travailler et un “nous” plus grand. Il a besoin d’un espace pour des décisions collectives. Là, nous discuterons et clarifieons ensemble ce que le journal peut être et ce qu’il peut faire pour nous dans les domaines suivants, nos contextes politiques. Cela nécessite une occasion régulière d’échange et le contact entre les personnes qui veulent utiliser le journal comme un l’instrument.

Notre suggestion est de convoquer une assemblée : DEUX FOIS PAR AN, NOUS AIMERIONS ORGANISER UNE ASSEMBLÉE. Nous voulons y parler de ce qui est important dans vos initiatives et comment ca peut paraître dans les journaux. Il peut s’agir de débats fondamentaux, sur l’orientation politique du journal,
mais aussi sur des sujets individuels tels que le choix des articles ou des thèmes, des questions d’organisation sur les finances, les traductions ou la distribution. Nous nous rencontrons pour avoir des nouvelles idées, pour réfléchir ensemble et pour faire le journal un projet de beaucoup de gens pour beaucoup de gens. A travers l’assemblage beaucoup peuvent participer au journal, discuter, sans avoir à le faire régulièrement, assister aux réunions de rédaction – bien que chacun d’entre vous soit bienvenu lá-bas aussi. L’ASSEMBLÉE DOIT FONCTIONNER COMME UN ESPACE OÙ NOUS POUVONS
CONSULTER COLLECTIVEMENT ET PRENNER DES DÉCISIONS ENSEMBLE.

Vous avez des idées, des critiques, des suggestions ? Venez au premier Daily Assemblage de résistance :

Date : 31 mars 2019, 13 – 18 Lieu : Aquarium, Skalitzer Str. 6, Kreuzberg
Pendant la réunion, il y aura des services de garde d’enfants et de la nourriture.

Procédure
1er bloc 13 – 15:00 heures
Accueillant
Objectifs de l’assemblée
A quoi veut-on utiliser Daily Resistance ?
Que se passe-t-il dans vos initiatives en ce moment ?
15 – 16 h pause déjeuner
2ème bloc 16 – 18 heures
Méthode et structure d’assemblage
Questions concrètes, perspectives, planification
Dernier tour : Déclaration de l’assemblée

Si vous avez des questions ou si vous voulez suggérer un sujet à l’avance, communiquez avec
nous : email/téléphone ou pad : http://pad.riseup.net/p/Daily-Resistance-Assembly
Veuillez nous faire savoir si vous pouvez venir et si vous avez besoin d’une garde d´enfant ou des traductions:
dailyresistance@systemli.org

Nous espérons vous voir bientôt ! Turgay, Younous, Sarah, Johann, Kathrin, Sönke, Anka